Guest Post: Herders’ Protest in Umnigovi

Guest Post by Sara L. Jackson

Herders Protest the Unpaved Coal Truck Road in Umnigovi

Dozens of herders began a roadblock on September 3, 2012 to protest the impacts of unpaved mining roads in Umnigovi (South Gobi) province. They are blocking the unpaved coal road from Tsogtsetsii to the Chinese border at Tsagaan Khad, but not the Energy Resource and Oyu Tolgoi paved roads to the border.[1] The herders are from Khanbogd, Bayan Ovoo and Tsogtsetsii soums.

Unpaved mining-related roads are major sources of dust and complaint among residents in the area. As hundreds of trucks drive down the roads each day, huge plumes of dust obscure passing vehicles, which causes frequent accidents. The trucks, weighed down with coal and supplies, grind dirt into a fine powder that covers the surrounding pasture. According to herders, the dust sickens their livestock, pollutes the air and water, and ruins the landscape.

From interviews and focus groups I have conducted in Umnigovi and Ulaanbaatar over the last year for my dissertation, I have heard of few plans to improve the public coal road that the herders are currently blocking. A large area of Umnigovi is covered in exploration and exploitation licenses. There has been little government interest or combined effort among mining companies to regulate mining related traffic and infrastructure development. Government representatives argue that the various mining companies need to come together to build a shared paved road. Those working with mining companies argue that the government needs to either build a road or require the companies to come up with a common solution.

Below is a translation of a letter written by the involved NGOs located in Umnigovi and Ulaanbaatar.

NGO Logos:
Gobi Soil, Tsetsii Homeland, OT Watch, Steps without Borders

Respected People –

Upon the request of the herders of the soums of Khan Bogd, Bayan Ovoo, and Tsogttseii in Omnogobi province we are voicing their concerns about the lackof information and irresponsible acts around the road construction work between Tavan Tolgoi deposit and the Gashuun Sukhait, in light of the lack of responsibility and worry for what might happen in the future.  The Gobi Soil and Tsetsii Nutag NGOs have previously written and spoken to the (various ministries), the President, the Prime Minister, and National Human Rights Commission to convey our complaints and requests that something be done about these problems but to date we have not received any answer from any organization or public official, we deeply regret that the law is being neglected in such a manner.

Therefore, at the earliest possible time, we would like to receive information about the road construction work plans, the route, the standards, the building schedule, the implementing building companies, and open and transparent account reports from EIAs, and we urge you to hold a meeting between the residents of the region and the government and company in order to discuss these topics.  Your organization must comply with Mongolian law, and the standards of the United Nations, and the rules and regulations for implementation of projects according to the international financial institution (IFIs) standards.

ENVIRONMENTAL AND SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT

The “Coal Road,” or the paved and unpaved freight roads and other small roads that run from the mine at Tavan Tolgoi to Tsagaan Khad are affecting every aspect of the lives of the people who live along these routes, from pasture to drinkable water to a lack of clean air; we have seen the end of a safe environment and the advent of unfavorable conditions that have altered our livelihoods, and caused the loss of good health. We feel increasingly and entirely cut off from our ability to improve our livelihoods; our traditional life has become disordered and our long heritage has been rudely trespassed upon and interrupted, for which reason we seek the following:

Law on Environmental Impact Assessment, Articles 2,4-8th requires to evaluate the environmental, social and human health impact from road construction on the community, a process which should include those from the region who are affected, as well as representatives from expert organizations. EIA report should incorporate the opinions of the local community.

Coal Road Social Impact Assessment:

Firstly: Establish negative impact on the pasture because the size, quality and accessibility of pasture has a direct impact on the livestock of the nomadic herders. Based on this finding calculate the impact on the nomadic households’ income and living standards.

Secondly: Determine the effect of the coal road construction and operation activities on the health of people

Thirdly: Determine the effects of the coal road construction and operation on surface water and well water quality, and ascertain the effects of declines in water quality on human and livestock health.

Fourthly: Develop methodology for calculating the effect of above impacts on herding household’s income and health and needed compensation measures.

Fifthly: Based on opinions from expert organizations, establish and abide by methodology for calculating compensation for the negative impact and economic losses.

Sixthly: All parties must adhere to the laws of Mongolia and the IFI performance standards for broad public consultations and inclusion of the opinion of citizens of the impact zones in the design and management of construction and operations of the black-top roads and railroads.

We urge the government and companies to take on the following obligations regarding the negative impacts of their operations:

  1. Prior to granting approval for repairs, quarrying, or any other land use, a social and environmental impact assessment must be conducted, including consideration of the opinions of the regional residents, and in compliance with law. If any party is found breaking the law, approval for activities must be revoked.
  2. Within the zone affected by negative impacts, consider ways to reduce or protect against negative impacts in advance, and in case of negative impacts, create a means to determine compensation.
  3. Put an immediate stop to transport of coal and other goods along the dirt roads.
  4. In consultation with the herders establish the sites where and how many passes to construct for human and\or animal traffic.
  5. In case of road construction and repairs, undertake immediate restoration work, and erect fencing and signage to safeguard people and livestock.
  6. If a company does not carry out adequate restoration work, they will be legally prevented from participation in further projects, tenders, and financing.
  7. The example of inadequate quality culverts built on the Undai River where it had been cut off culverts(see photo), which have been built upon the demand of people who live near the river, shows that there is need to enforce the laws and if standards are not upheld by road building companies or companies awaiting permits, as determined through expert monitoring, then means should be established to terminate contracts.

Herders call for these demands to be upheld in all of their stages, and if they are not we caution that we plan to carry out further protests.

The undersigned represent the delegation of herders, and we await your response at the following addresses:

Etc….

 


[1] Energy Resources built a paved road from Tavan Tolgoi to the border and the company is currently building a railroad. However, local residents say that the fee for driving on the paved road discourages use and encourages drivers to continue using the free dirt roads. Oyu Tolgoi finished paving their road to the border earlier this summer. The Oyu Tolgoi to Khanbogd road remains unpaved at presents, which makes it an additional source of complaint among residents. However, according to a source at Oyu Tolgoi, there are plans to pave the road in the near future.

About Sara Jackson

Sara has a B.A. in International Studies from the University of Washington and an M.A. in Geography from the University of British Columbia. She began her Ph.D. in Geography at York University in 2009, after lecturing at the Metropolitan State University of Denver and the National University of Mongolia. Her research interests include cultural geographies of resource extraction, environmental displacement, and territory. Sara’s dissertation focuses on infrastructure development of the Oyu Tolgoi gold and copper mine in Mongolia’s Gobi Desert and how natural resources and the nation are re-imagined and materially transformed through the construction of a mining boom. Working with an illustrator, part of her dissertation is a graphic novel that draws from her research experiences to be translated and distributed in Mongolia. The working title of her dissertation is Building a Gold Rush: Imagining New Territories in Mongolia’s South Gobi. A SSHRC doctoral fellowship and a research fellowship with the American Center for Mongolian Studies fund Sara’s research.

Posted in Environment, Environmental Movements, Gobi, Protest, Sara Jackson, Social Issues, Social Movements | Tagged | 1 Comment

Guest Post: Voter Turn-Out

Guest Post By Brian White

Is Migration a Factor in Mongolia’s Recent Steep Decline in Voter Turn Out?

The recent parliamentary election produced a troubling result. Voter turn out dropped to its lowest level in 6 elections in the democratic era from a high of 96% in 1992 to 65% in this election. Turn out has declined in each election since 1992, but this year marked the steepest decline from a previous election with approximately 12% fewer voters going to the polls. I recently examined voter and population data in search of evidence that voter turn out has declined in part due to voters migrating out of registered districts to seek economic or educational opportunities without updating their registration in the new district. I discovered that the decline in voter turn out over the last decade has been strongly associated with an overall increase in the voting age population.

In Figure 1 voter turn out is plotted against the proportion of voting age people within a population area, or “concentration of voters.” In the 2000 and 2004 elections the concentration of voters on average increased only slightly, with the 2004 data points shifting to the right. The shift began to accelerate in 2008, and it basically exploded in 2012. On average there was a 15% increase in voter concentration from 2000 to 2012. As Figure 1 also demonstrates, this increase has coincided with Mongolia’s declining voter turn out.

Voter Turnout by Election and Eligible Voters

There has been great speculation about the causes of this decline from voter confusion over changes to the election laws to growing cynicism about the national political system. Without a direct survey of voters it is difficult to move beyond speculation, but Figure 1 is suggestive of the idea that for some reason new voters chose in large numbers not to participate in the most recent election. As mentioned above, I initially examined voter data with the intent of finding evidence that migration was a significant influence on turn out this year, and given the assumption that the young are more likely to change locations in search of economic or educational opportunities, this and other data are further suggestive of a migration based influence.

This migration hypothesis came from a few personal experiences I had on election day this year. I met two people who had traveled 30km (18mi) to the soum (county) I live in to vote because their official residence is here even though their actual residence is in the provincial capital Dalanzadgad. They moved to Dalanzadgad several years ago for better employment opportunities. Additionally, my neighbor’s daughter who resides in Ulaanbaatar as a recently graduated college student still maintains official residency status here, but unlike the other two voters, decided to not make the 560km (350mi) journey in order to vote. These examples of people having to travel to vote made me start to wonder if they were unusual or reflective of an emerging trend. As people move around seeking employment opportunities far from their hometowns, are they updating their registration to reflect their actual current residences? In other words, on election day did a significant portion of the electorate not vote because they weren’t within an easy distance of their official polling stations?

I compiled voter data from the General Election Commission website for the 2000, 2004, and 2008 elections and voter data for the 2012 elections from media sources, as well as population data from the 2000 and 2010 national censuses, for 22 voting areas in Mongolia, which included 19 provinces and the special administrative areas of Ulaanbaatar, Orkhon, and Darkhan.[1] I constructed a simple formula for annual rate of population change in each area using the census data and estimated the populations in each area during the 2004, 2008, and 2012 elections.

Figure 2, Voter Population Change by Year

The most striking feature of the populations in these areas was the 15 percent decline on average in population in all but five areas in the decade between 2000 and 2010. Not surprisingly the population increases occurred in the economically booming areas of Ulaanbaatar, Orkhon, Darkhan, Umnugovi, and Dornogovi. In spite of this, the majority of areas with declining populations were still able to add to their voting age population in the last two elections. Figure 2 shows this for the 2004, 2008, and 2012 elections with the majority of areas with declines in their full populations from 2008 to 2012 having positive increases in the voting age populations (top left quadrant). This could be explained by more people turning 18 years old than leaving an area either by death or migration each year. Without additional data it’s difficult to calculate the different rates involved to see if the observed pattern is at least consistent with this explanation.

We would also see a similar pattern if people were leaving these areas without deregistering. In such a scenario people would leave the official population at a faster rate than they are leaving the voter registration lists. This would create artificially high voter concentrations in these areas, but it would also conceivably increase the percentage of voters registered but unable to vote due to being in a distant  location on election day. If the association in Figure 1 were to hold true, then if these voters were given the ability to vote, say through an absentee ballot system, and accounted for in the voter concentration of each area, then we’d expect the plotted points for 2008 and 2012 to shift upwards and to the left, increasing average turn out.

There may be more explanations that fit the patterns in the data, but at this point I can at the very least write that the pattern is odd. The concentration of voters in Mongolia has ballooned over the last 12 years, and this by itself seems to account for a significant portion of the decline in voter turnout. A reasonable assumption is that much of this is driven by young voters increasingly not participating in elections, but this may not even be a safe assumption without a better understanding of the composition of the various populations and their respective rates of change, especially if the voter concentration numbers are artificially high due to a divergence in population and voter registration numbers.

An additional piece of anecdotal evidence to support the contention that migration is a significant factor in the decline in voter turn out is that in 2010 the National Statistics Office of Mongolia counted approximately 107,000 Mongolia’s living abroad for the census. Assuming that the concentration of voters in this population is the same as the average concentration for Mongolia (and for simplicity static between 2010 and 2012), this would mean 67,000 people were eligible to vote in the election and were counted on the voting registration lists. This is probably an underestimate, though, because we’d expect the population of Mongolians abroad to be mostly made up of voting age adults and the overall population to have increased in the last two years since the census. In this election for the first time Mongolians abroad were able to vote, but no more than 2,000 did given the availability of polling stations around the world. That leaves roughly 65,000 people who did not vote which represents approximately 3.5% of the 1.8 million registered voters. Unfortunately I do not have data for Mongolians abroad in 2000, so I cannot say if this is more or less than previous elections. However, it is a significant portion of the voting age population, and if it has grown significantly over the last decade, average turn out would have been negatively affected by this change. Domestic migration absolutely dwarfs international migration, so a similar pattern of being unable to vote as a result of being in the wrong polling area on election day could have an even larger effect.

Although speculations on voter turn out that hinge on voter cynicism, confusion, or apathy seem reasonable at first blush, I am left with a gnawing feeling that they may be only part of the story. If migration is having a significant influence on voter turn out, then that actually represents a more serious problem. Without an absentee balloting system, then significant percentages of the population are being inadvertently disenfranchised. I think the trend of declining turn out is here to stay, but it may be happening much faster than it should otherwise due to rapid social and economic change exacerbating a systemic flaw in the election process. A thorough survey of the voting age population would go a long way in establishing the primary causes of this year’s precipitous decline in turn out, and the patterns revealed in Figures 1 and 2 suggest such a survey would potentially yield interesting results.



[1]   National Statistics Office of Mongolia, “Хүн ам, орон сууцны 2010 оны улсын тооллогын үр дүн,” 2010, http://www.toollogo2010.mn/doc/Main%20results_20110615_to%20EZBH_for%20print.pdf, accessed 7/14/2012

General Election Commission of Mongolia, “ УИХ-н Сонгууль – 2000, 2004, 2008 он,” 2000-2008, http://www.gec.gov.mn/parliamentary_election/, accessed 6/15/2012.

Toim.orloo.info, “Сонгогчдын ирц 65.24 хувьтай байлаа,” 2012, http://toim.orloo.info/links.php?weblink=http://politics.time.mn/content/14781.shtml, accessed 7/11/2012.

About Brian White

Brian White has more than 6 years direct experience living and working in Mongolia, having first come to Mongolia in 2002 as a Peace Corps volunteer. He currently resides in Umnugovi Province.

Posted in Brian White, Democracy, Elections, Ikh Khural 2012, Party Politics, Politics, Social Issues | Tagged | 8 Comments

First Mongolian Medal in London

Today, Nyam-Ochir won Bronze in the 73kg judo contest. Congratulations!

Posted in London 2012 | Tagged | 1 Comment

Speculation on a New Government and Factions in the Democratic Party

The Democratic Party (DP) has decided to negotiate with the MPRP-MNDP’s “Justice” coalition on forming a coalition government. However, according to its latest statements, the DP received proposals from the CWGP and independent MPs to join the coalition government. Such a “grand coalition” may reduce the number of noisy oppositions. Also it might be a better option for the DP in terms of the public identity of the new coalition government.

However, before deciding partners for a coalition government, the National Consultative Council of the Democratic Party has approved N.Altankhuyag’s nomination as Prime Minister and Z.Enkhbold’s nomination as the Chair of the State Great Khural. Recalling intra-party convulsions in the past, there was expectation that inter-factional competition within the DP for the distribution of political offices may cause some unexpected political turns. The seemingly smooth process of the nomination of N.Altankhuyag and Z.Enkhbold indicates that influential leaders and major factions of the DP reached a consensus on the distribution of key political offices.

Factions in the DP?

Since the DP was established in 2000 as the coalition of five political parties there has always been rumors about the rivalries among factions. Although most people may know the names of faction leaders, the question of who are the members of these factions and how they actually work has been ambiguous. Unless it is an official statement of one who is in the inner circle of party leaders, any discussions about factions and their relations with each other have always been speculations. However, recently some factions have openly declared their members and objectives. Importantly, an indication of the influence of a faction in the DP is the number of members it has in the National Consultative Council, which makes final decisions on the most important issues in the DP.

After the DP was set to form a coalition government there is a lot of talk going around factional politics, especially about how major factions within the DP such as “Altangadas” (Pole star), “Shonkhor” (Falcon), “MoAH” (Mongolian Democratic Union), “MUDN” (Mongolian National Progress Party), “North East Asia” and “Neg Ardchilal” (One Democracy) would agree on the coalition partner and the distribution of political offices. N.Altankhuyag, the Chairman of the DP, is known as the leader of “Altangadas,” which is regarded as the most influential one among other factions. Z.Enkhbold who is set to be the Chairman of the State Great Khural is the leader of “Shonkhor.” Former Minister of Roads, Transportation, Construction and Urban Development Kh.Battulga who is the leader of “MoAH” has recently been critical of N.Altankhuyag for working merely for the interest of his own faction.

The roots of some of these factions traces back to the 1990s when three opposition parties (the Mongolian Democratic Party, the Mongolian National Progressive Party (MNPP), and the Renaissance Party of Mongolia) merged into the Mongolian National Democratic Party (MNDP) and to 2000 when the MNDP and four other opposition parties including the Mongolian Social Democrat Party merged and established the DP.

Based on available sources, the following is a rough description of some major factions in the DP.

“Altangadas”
In 2002, M.Enkhsaikhan became the chairman of the DP. With a group of DP members who were not included in the inner circle of the DP chairman, N.Altankhuyag, who was the secretary of the MSDP previously and the secretary general of the DP from 2001 to 2003, initiated an association within the DP in 2003. The name of the association was “Altangadas” (Pole star) and it had its own journal www.altangadas.mn. Although it was declared that the association aimed to discuss national policy priorities and reforms, it transformed into an influential faction in the DP, especially after the 2004 parliamentary election. Except Kh.Battulga, most ministers from the DP in the 2008 coalition government were the MPs allegedly affiliated with the “Altangadas” association.

“Shonkhor”
The Democratic Coalition Union (www.dcu.mn), an NGO initiated by Z.Enkhbold and some MPs of the DP in 2010, was the beginning of this faction. In January 2012, the members of the General Council of the DCU, which included MPs such as Z.Enkhbold, S.Erdene, Ts.Gankhuyag, and G.Bayarsaikhan, announced the birth of the “Shonkhor” faction in the DP. According to their statements, Shonkhor or falcon symbolizes the Right or right-wing politics.

“MoAH”
Kh.Battulga, one of the influential leaders of the DP and former Minister of Roads, Transportation, Construction and Urban Development, is the current leader of the Mongolian Democratic Union (MDU). Newly elected MPs such as R.Burmaa and S.Tuvdendorj are members of this faction.

“MUDN”
Mainly former members of the MNPP constitute this faction. Former PM and current MP R.Amarjargal has announced before the election that he was re-forming the “MUDN” faction.

“North East Asia”
Former MPs Batj.Batbayar and Badamdamdin and Baabar are regarded as the founding members. In recent years, MP Lu.Bold leads this faction.

“One Democracy”
Initiated by young MPs of the DP such as Kh.Temuujin and L.Gantumur, “One Democracy” club (www.onedem.mn) seems to be an organization within the DP representing emerging young leaders.

Posted in Democratic Party, Ikh Khural 2012, Politics | Tagged | 1 Comment

Mongolia’s Quest for a Third Neighbor: European Union

Over last two decades, Mongolia is making sustained effort to deepen its ties with the European Union. Just adding a recent piece on Mongolia and EU relations.

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Mongolia and Shanghai Cooperation Organization

Mongolia’s non-membership stance towards the Shanghai Cooperation Organization indicates the organization’s incomplete regional representation in Inner Asia. Just adding a recent piece on Mongolia and Shanghai Cooperation Organization: “Factoring Mongolia’s non-Membership In the Shanghai Cooperation OrganizationVoices from Central Asia, No. 3, July 2012, .

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Sec. Hillary Clinton has finally Arrived…in UB

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, visited Ulaanbaatar today (July 9th) as part of her Asia tour. Her statements as reported in the Chicago Tribune and The New York Times, present an interesting picture of the visit and point to some important points in the relationship between Mongolia and the United States.

Firstly, China matters. Sec. Clinton made strong statements supporting democracy and political freedoms as steps just as important to economic growth. The news reporters are very much on the right track with pointing out that this is a clear message to China that the US continues to expect political reforms in addition to liberal economic policies. This was explored at length in both articles.

Secondly, Mongolia matters. What was just barely touched on in these articles is that Mongolia’s democratic system is important not just for Mongolian domestic concerns, but also on the international stage. Mongolian democracy stands out in stark contract to it neighbors, Russia and China, as well as when compared across the larger post-communist world. Central Asian authoritarian states, such as Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan stand out in clear contract to Mongolia. Despite all its “robustness/rowdiness” (as terms used in other publications), the Mongolian political system is clearly democratic, though with notable problems that have been explored in this blog already.

Mongolian democracy and continuing commitment to improving its human rights situation is not only a domestic issue, but it also serves as one factor in Mongolia’s foreign policy. Looking at Mongolia’s “Third Neighbors” (India, Japan, South Korea, and the United States- to name the larger players), all are thriving democracies. While much of the attention Mongolia enjoys on the international stage relative to its small economy, is tied to the growth of the mining sector, we should not be too quick to avoid factoring in the good press that Mongolia enjoys as a result of its developing democratic system. Not only is it one country that can prove that democracy is suitable for Asian nations, but it also means that the US and other countries can interact with Mongolia as one democracy to another.

Human rights concerns and pushes for democratic reform complicate US relations with many other countries. This is one complication that Mongolia has managed to avoid, and perhaps this plays a role in US and international interest in the small country.

Posted in China, Democracy, Development, International Relations, Mongolia and ..., United States | Tagged | 1 Comment

Wall Street Journal Asia article on State of Mongolian Democracy

I published an article in the Wall Street Journal Asia, “Mongolian Democracy Crawls, But Moves Ahead“, that offers an assessment of the current, post-election state of democracy in Mongolia.

Posted in Democracy, Elections, Ikh Khural 2012, Media and Press, Politics | Tagged | 2 Comments

East Asia Forum: Electronic Counting but no Trust

We published an article in East Asia Forum that reports on our observations as election monitors and speculates about the lack of trust in political parties that throws a wrench in post-election debates about governments to be formed.

Posted in Democracy, East Asia Forum, Elections, Ikh Khural 2012, Party Politics, Politics | Tagged , | Leave a comment

Steps toward New Government

Contrary to the pattern from previous elections when the various steps following the polls came rather slowly, it appears that the DP is now eager to move ahead much faster.

With run-off elections scheduled for this Sunday, the final results for the election could come as early as this weekend.

The DP then seems to be eager to dissolve parliament and swear in a new parliament before Naadam.

DP leaders also gave a press conference to announce that the DP would be forming a government under party leader Altankhuyag as prime minister. They did not specify which party they would be forming a coalition with to reach the necessary 39 votes in the Ikh Khural to vote in a prime minister. However, DP leaders made an open statement, that they will join with any parties which accepts to the DP platform (campaign policy document). The DP will designate a new ministry for labor to address the unemployment challenges.

While a DP + MPP coalition seems the most natural given their collaboration in the past and the solid majority that they would command jointly, there are persistent rumours of DP discussions with the MPRP. In all likelihood President Elbegdorj would be opposed to that because some DP voters would surely not take kindly to such a coalition and might have this in mind as they cast their votes in next year’s presidential election. Also, Enkhbayar is very likely to be a candidate for president (again) for the MPRP.

Whatever coalition emerges, if it is under the DP’s leadership, this would be the first time that the DP would hold the top three offices in the country (president, prime minister, chairman of the Ikh Khural) and would also control the Ulaanbaatar city council at the same time.

The negotiations over various coalitions will surely involve many personal dynamics and ties, though the DP announcement seems to pre-empt the emergence of an alternative DP candidate for prime minister, a move that Battulga and Z Enkhbold had both rumoured to be planning.

The General Election Commission will submit the election result for the President tomorrow and following the closing ceremony of the current parliament, the new parliament is likely to start its first session.

Posted in Democratic Party, Ikh Khural 2012, Politics | Tagged | 2 Comments

The Impact of a Quota: Female MPs in the Ikh Khural

This is an extended version of Asia Pacific Memo #168 “Women Part of Major Turnover in Mongolian Parliament”

A trip to the Mongolian countryside quickly produces the impression that women do all the work, waking at dawn to make breakfast for their husband, and waiting for him to lay down before finally retiring themselves. Yet, somehow men seem to remain “in charge”, at least as nominal figureheads; not just in the ger, but also in the political arena. This year the new election law required 20% of candidates in the Mongolian parliamentary elections be women. These affirmative-action-like quota requirements are nothing new and have been implemented at various percentages in different jurisdictions.

The current Parliament, elected without a quota even though this had been initially enacted in 2008, has only three women members our of a total of 76: D Arvin (MPP), S Oyun (CWGP), and D Oyunkhorol (MPP). Together they make up less than 4% of the Parliament.

The election law of 2012 that was passed in anticipation of the election on June 28 contained many new regulations, including the introduction of proportional representation for 28 or the 76 seats. It also specified that a minimum of 20% of the candidates nominated and approved as candidates would have to be women. There is no quota on women parliamentarians, just on the candidates for seats in parliament.

So, what was the impact of this quota on the number of MPs? Looking at the preliminary results for this year’s election, seven women have been elected directly in the 48 first-past-the-post contests: D Oyunkhorol (MPP), Ts Oyungerel (DP), G Uyanga (MPRP), S Odontuya (DP), and  Erdenechimeg (DP). Another four have been elected based on proportional representation: R Burmaa (DP), M Batchimeg (DP), Bayanselenge  (MPRP), and S Oyun (CWGP).  This means that a total of 9 women, or about 12% of the new parliament will be women. If D Arvin (DP) wins the run-off in Bayanzurkh this would mean 10 females MPs

This election proved to be especially challenging for incumbents with the new quotas for women and a new system of proportional representation. In fact, of the five women directly elected, four are newcomers to Parliament, and three of the proportional representatives are also about to enter Parliament for the first time. Additionally, looking at both male and female candidates, we can see that roughly half of the new Parliament will be entering for the first time. This “new blood” has potentially major implications in a country where most people complain that the same politicians are always just circling through office.

Women politicians clearly have made some important gains. Since few parties exceeded the 20% women quota by much, women were elected about as often as you would expect given their inclusion as candidates. However, there is some variability on this among the parties. In scanning the party lists of candidates nominated to be elected via proportional representation, the MPP notably put almost all their women candidates towards the bottom of this list, ensuring that male candidates had a much higher chance of being elected, while women would only have been added had the MPP won in a landslide. Accordingly, only one of the 10 female MPs will be from the MPP, with the possibility of one more following an up-coming run-off election. By contrast, five women will be representing the DP in the Ikh Khural.

With the DP coming into the parliament with most seats and thus likely to be involved in forming a government, the composition of cabinet and assignments to chair standing committees will be the next test of women’s inclusion in political decision-making.

Of the few women in Mongolian politics, several stand out as being especially well-known and respected. One such example is S. Oyun (CWGP). Oyun is the sister of one of the most famous supporters of democracy in the early 1990s – Zorig – whose 1998 murder shocked the nation. Her consistent support of the free market, human rights, and anti-corruption initiatives puts her in a seat of moral authority and trustworthiness that few other Mongolian politicians can command. Oyungerel (DP, seen campaigning in June 2012 on the left) is also well known for her support of human rights and international outlook. She even managed to command more votes than MP L Bold (DP) who was considered a public favourite from early on.

Why have a quota in the first place? One local female politician (see her campaign ad balloon on the right) that we spoke with during our observation of the campaign leading up to the Ulaanbaatar city election that was held in parallel to the parliamentary elections, expressed her opinion that women should “make it on their own”. On one hand, this is the classic response to such affirmative action steps; on the other hand, this is also indicative of a larger wish that quotas were not necessary.

Still, perhaps they will be necessary for some more years until voters can see for themselves the advantages of women politicians. Feminist groups in Mongolia have pointed to lower instances of corruption and caring, maternal instincts as advantages for the country should more women be in politics. Some of us might be tired of such stereotypes, yet what really matters is whether these slogans speak to the Mongolian voter. With more women elected this year, perhaps it is safe to say that we are on the right path to a more equal representation of women among the visible leadership of Mongolia even when many suspect that much of the management of the country is already performed by women.

Posted in Civil Will Green Party, Democratic Party, Elections, Gender, Ikh Khural 2012, JD Democratization, Mongolian People's Party, Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, Politics | Tagged , | 2 Comments

NATO and Mongolia

The NATO is finally changing its behaviour towards Mongolia by recognizing its success in democracy and contribution to the peacekeeping operations. Just adding a recent piece on Mongolia and NATO cooperation

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ACMS Conference: Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Development, Environment, and Political Economy

The American Center for Mongolian Studies is hosting a research conference with the theme “Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Development, Environment, and Political Economy” on July 3rd.

Participants include:
Lauren Bonilla, PhD Candidate, Clark University, Department of Geography
Kirsten Dales, MA Candidate, Royal Roads University Presented by Amarjargal Gungaabayar
Devon Dear, PhD Candidate, Harvard University, Committee on Inner Asian and Altaic Studies
Sara L. Jackson, PhD Candidate, York University, Department of Geography
Alexey Mikhalev, Professor and vice-director of Inner Asia Institute of Buryat State University, Ulan-Ude
Morten Axel Pedersen, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of CopenhagenVladimir Rodionov, Professor of Political Science at Buryat State University, Ulan-Ude
Marissa Smith, PhD Candidate, Princeton University, Department of Anthropology
Erdenetuya Urtnast, Lecturer, Mongolian State University of Education, Department of Mongolian History

Program (PDF)

Posted in American Center for Mongolian Studies, Development, Environment, Research on Mongolia | Tagged | Leave a comment

Blogging Election News

As we are winding down our somewhat hectic schedule of “covering” the parliamentary election and transitioning to analysing some of its results and thinking about their implications, I do want to note that this blog seems to have been an effective medium for communicating election observations.

Over the past week (June 25 – July 2) more than 2,000 unique visitors have read more than 8,500 pages. I am particularly pleased that more than a third of these visits originated in Mongolia, so that our observations and analysis has apparently proven useful even to people who are “close to the action” already. The third most visitors originated from our own base, Canada.

Two thirds of traffic came via search engines, using search terms like “Mongolia election”, “Mongolia today”, etc. but a large number of visitors also came via referrals, many of them off Twitter.

We still hear back from you, our readers, only very rarely and hope that as we continue to write about contemporary Mongolia, we will begin to meet many more of you in the future.

 

Posted in Ikh Khural 2012, Social Media | Tagged | Leave a comment

Democratic Party wins big in Ulaanbaatar City Council Election

According to shuud.mn, today the Election Committee of the Capital City announced the preliminary results of the 2012 Ulaanbaatar Council Election (Citizens’ Representatives’ Khural).

I wrote about the significance and procedures of this election in my previous post.

The results of the 30 the first-past-the-post seats:

Democratic Party — 20 seats

Mongolian People’s Party — 10 seats.

The results of the party-list elections (parties won over 5% of the votes):

Democratic Party — 35.53% (6 seats)
Mongolian People’s Party — 26.15% (4 seats)
MPRP-MNDP Coalition — 22.77% (4 seats)
Civil Will-Green Party — 8.02% (1 seat)

In total, with 26 seats, the Democratic Party won a solid majority in the Ulaanbaatar City Council.

Posted in Elections, Party Politics, Ulaanbaatar | Tagged | Leave a comment