Kh Battulga’s Election Platform

Translated by Students in Humboldt University Mongolian Politics Seminar

Below we’re offering a translation of Kh Battulga’s presidential campaign platform. We have already posted a translation of S Ganbaatar’s platform. But we’re still recruiting someone to translate MPP/M Enkhbold’s platform.

By providing an English translation, we want to make information available to non-Mongolian readers to allow them to get a sense of Kh Battulga (and the others) as a candidate. We have attempted to translate the platform to the best of our ability, but not to linguistic, rather to substantive standards.

If you have any comments on the translation, please do use the comment function below.

The translation was based on the version of the platform that appears on the GEC website.

A STRONGER MONGOLIA/ХҮЧИРХЭГ МОНГОЛ УЛС

I would be a patriotic/national president, who would build a prosperous ‘stronger Mongolia’, and who honours freedom, democracy, and justice, independent and sovereign Mongolia; where statehood is accounted for millennials and based on culture and history, tradition, modern accomplishments, and hope for bright future.

  • A patriotic President, who honors unity, and emphasizes national interest
  • A patriotic president, who protects freedom and just, and endorses the citizens
  • A patriotic president, who builds a prosperous economy, and develops industry
  • A patriotic president, who ensures ecological balance, and protects territory
  • A patriotic president, who launches a new era for export, and prefers balanced foreign relations

 1. President, who honours unity, and emphasizes national interest

  1. To defend fundamental rights of its people and country

To protect national interest with strong commitment by honoring Mongolian independence, sovereignty, territory integrity, inviolability of borders, democracy, freedom, human right, and justice.

  1. To accomplish national unity

As a Mongolian president who represents national unity, I will protect Mongolian statehood and will lead an undivided, developed and unified Mongolia against antagonism and partition.

  1. President, who protects freedom und just, and endorses citizens

2.1. Human rights and Justice

2.1.1. Everyone’s equality before the law will be guaranteed.
2.1.2. Public service workers will be appointed on professional merit.
2.1.3. Corrupted public servants, owners of offshore accounts will be punished.
2.1.4. Public service will become less bureaucratic. An online platform for public service will be established.
2.1.5. Governmental organizations, budget allocation, state property will be controlled by the president and the public.
2.1.6. Freedom of speech, expression, assembly and press will be guaranteed. Independent and transparent media will be established.
2.1.7. Judicial independence will be ensured. Judges will be selected not only on professional merits, but also on personal morality.

2.2. Education, Culture, Art and Science

An educated, healthy and employed Mongolian citizen is the source of the country’s development and economic growth.

2.2.1. [???]
2.2.2. Traditions, customs, heritage of mongols and nomadic civilization, arts of national value will be patronized and promoted.
2.2.3. Engraining morality, patriotism to children and youth. Improving the internet infrastructure so that everyone gets access to knowledge.
2.2.4. Boost Sciences, Technology and Innovations
2.2.5. Supporting Specialists and Professionals

2.3. Health Care

The health care of a Mongolian citizen will be the core of the governmental policy. The right of the citizens to live in a safe and healthful environment will be fortified. Special attention will be payed to the citizens’ physical health and its improvement.

2.3.1. Health Care and Medicine will be updated with newest technologies. A Mongolian citizen will be able to get diagnostics and treatments of highest level in his homeland.
2.3.2. In order to make medical care available to every citizen complex medical centers of international standards will be developed in regions.
2.3.3. Preventive care and services will get more financial support. With their insurance citizens will be able to swim in water sport centers.
2.3.4. Reduce diseases; support healthy lifestyle;
2.3.5. Develop the sports infrastructure by supporting national sports, sport medicine and athletes;

2.4. Public Service

An ethical and cultural sphere will be created, where a Mongolian public servant can formulate and implement policies and work creatively for a citizen-based society respecting the Mongolian governing tradition. The Military, Court and Police are seen as encouragers to obey the law and mainstay of the state’s independence. Therefore, rights of all public servants will be respected.

2.4.1. Public service will be professional, able and well-organized. Selection of public servants will base on their experience, talent and creativity.
2.4.2. Public servants will be provided with fair salary and working space for a stable, fast and efficient work.

2.5. Social security

Every citizen, who is in need of social security and assistance will be maintained and an environment for their social engagement will be created.

2.5.1. Appropriate maintenance to target groups will be provided. Obtain fair pensions;
2.5.2. Equal rights for public and social services for disabled citizen will be guaranteed. A special infrastructure will be established for them.

2.6. Families, senior citizens, females and children

A Family is a source unit of the existence of a nation. Therefore, a policy endorsing households will be implemented.

2.6.1. Promote the positive influence of family, family planning and its stability on social relations;
2.6.2. Create necessary conditions for mothers to give birth, raise their children; Keep mothers employed, support them economically and financially; Support large families with many children by accommodating them;
2.6.3. Support the children of single-headed households, low-income families, or disabled citizens; Guarantee them full educational service;
2.6.4. Support of low-income and single-headed households with children under 3 years old;
2.6.5. Enhance women’s leadership and involvement in decision making; Fight with domestic violence;
2.6.6. Guarantee and protect the rights of every single child;
2.6.7. Create optional employment opportunities for senior citizens;
2.6.8. Develop and support elderly care;
2.6.9. Encourage social and cultural leadership and creativity to youth;
2.6.10. Provide students with part time jobs; Job guarantee for graduates;
2.6.11. Support the „Soldier student“ program in order to engrain patriotism to youth;
2.6.12. Make the selection process of students who will study abroad fair and transparent; Double the number of bachelor, master and doctoral students who will study in developed countries;
2.6.13. Fight against youth smoking, alcohol consumption and drug use.

2.7. Support of herders and farmers

Special attention will be payed to social problems of herders, who carry the traditional nomadic culture, and farmers, who supply the people with products obtained from our homeland. Every effort will be made to increase their economic growth.

2.7.1. Increase the value of farm and livestock products; Improve the living conditions of farmers and herders;
2.7.2. Production and export of processed farm and livestock products.
2.7.3. Increase quality of livestock by introducing new technologies, creating new breeds, improving veterinary etc.
2.7.4. Encourage people living in border areas to involve in border guard services;

2.8. Decentralization, new cities, rural development

2.8.1. Develop tourism, production in rural areas;
2.8.2. Develop rural areas;
2.8.3. Rational allocation of administrative organizations; make public service accessible;
2.8.4. Add more green zones and build reservoirs in cities;
2.8.5. Guarantee security of the citizen;
2.8.6. Convert and develop ger districts; solve the air and soil pollution problems;
2.8.7. Develop sum centres.

  1. President, who makes the economy prosperous, and develops industry

To give importance to implementation of policies to restructure the economy and to make it more diversified, ensuring economic growth through innovation-based industrialization, and creating employment. To work with in accordance with ‘Mongolia Sustainable Development Vision – 2030’ approved by State Great Khural of Mongolia (19th Protocol) on 5th February, 2016. That includes:

3.1 Industrialization is the key for development

3.2 Banking and Stock market

3.3 Special attention to middle income group

3.4 Mining policy in accordance with national safety

3.5 To save up income from natural resources and make policy for developing non natural resource sectors, and for creating employment

3.6 Equal distribution of natural resource income

3.7 To build industrial park including steelworks, copper mill, petrochemical refinery

3.8 From brown to green economy

3.9 Employment

3.10 One nation – One Soldier: To involve soldiers for big national establishments in order to provide them profession skills required while having income at the same time

3.11 Support wealth creation by eliminating state intervention, examination and taxation, and corruption

3.12 To develop economic passage between two neighbours, and to develop economic relations with the two neighbours as well as with 3rd neighbors

3.13 To build transnational railroads

3.14 Renewable energy

3.15 Financial and Investment market

  1. President, who ensures ecological balance, and protects homeland

Special attention to appropriate use of  Mongolian natural resources, to keep the ecological balance by reducing climate change (?), greenhouse gas, human and industrial harm on the nature, and to hand over pristine nature for our future generation.

4.1 Eco-friendly technology

4.2 Climate Change

4.3 Air and soil pollution

4.4 Waste to energy policy

4.5 Taxation policy on ecofriendly technology

4.6 Tourism

4.7 To support initiative of any kind to process raw coal and shale

4.8 Water protection

4.9 Protection of critically endangered plants and animals

  1. President, who launches a new era for export, and prefers balanced foreign relations

The leading principals of president’s foreign policies are to protect Mongolian independence, self-preserved sovereignty, territorial integrity, inviolability of borders; to reassure the democracy chosen by people of Mongolia; and equal cooperation which is in interest of nation.

Special attention to mutually beneficial cooperation at regional and international level in order for economically free, independent, and accelerated development. To expand market for product and knowledge which are made in Mongolia.

Active and friendly policy to all Mongols living worldwide and soft power diplomacy through promotion of Mongolian history, national heritage, and pride at international level.

5.1 Foreign policy which protects national interest

5.2 Foreign policy which puts economy first

5.3 Bilateral economic relation with Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China

5.4 Regional economic integration through railway, airway, and expressway

5.5 Foreign investment and trade

5.6 Taxation on foreign trade

5.7 Third neighbor policy

5.8 India, Central Asian countries, Turkey

5.9 Foreign policy independent from political divide

5.10 Mongolians living abroad

5.11 Mongolians visiting abroad

5.12 Active participation in UN and in other international organizations

Posted in Democratic Party, Presidential 2017 | Leave a comment

M Enkbold’s Election Platform

Summarized and Translated by Bayanjargalmaa B

Below we’re offering a translation of M Enkhbold’s presidential campaign platform. We have already posted a translation of S Ganbaatar’s platform and of Kh Battulga’s platform.

By providing an English translation, we want to make information available to non-Mongolian readers to allow them to get a sense of M Enkhbold (and the others) as a candidate. We have attempted to translate the platform to the best of our ability, but not to linguistic, rather to substantive standards.

If you have any comments on the translation, please do use the comment function below.

The translation was based on the version of the platform that appears on the GEC website.

MONGOLIAN PEOPLE’S PARTY 2017 PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE’S ELECTION PLATFORM

 

I; MONGOLIAN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE ENKHBOLD MIYEGOMBO, hereby present to the voters my platform which is based on the following three core ideologies

THE SAME SOUL LIKE AN ASPIRATION OF MY PEOPLE

THE SAME AIR LIKE A DEMAND OF THE FAMILIES

THE SAME SOIL LIKE AN ACT OF MY COUNTRY

I WILL BE THE PRESIDENT; WHO CARES FOR YOU AND YOUR FAMILY, AND CARRIES OUT YOUR VOICE.

The bases for a developed Mongolia are healthy and educated people who love their country.

I will work hard to prepare our children for life, to improve and protect the lives of younger generation as well as older generations.

Hereby, I that I honor human rights, freedom, and justice; and will lead the government policies, which strengthen democracy and are based on voice of the people.

ONE: NATIONAL UNITY; MONGOLIAN PRIDE

  • Unified Mongolia – to comply with the concept of national unity
  • Mongolia with value – Implementation of policies to mature citizens who honor nationalism and national pride
  • Basis of Unity – law and order, justice, equal distribution of resources are the basis for unity
  • Positive political culture – to provide a legal basis for balanced political cooperation between the President, State Great Khural and Government and active cooperation with civil organizations
  • State policy for people – to prioritize people before political and business interest
  • Political Parties – to provide new legal basis for accountable and financially-open political parties and to improve checks and balance system for those who have higher governing power
  • Abide by the rules – to issue a presidential decree which stated that children’s schooling shall be based on traditional method in order for them to become Mongolian person /Mongol Khun/.
  • Freedom of the press is a guarantee of democracy – correction of legislations which limits press freedom, support for socially responsible, independent, and professional press, cooperation with press in order to enlighten society

TWO: RESPONSIBLE; JUST; AND STABLE GOVERNANCE

2.1 Balanced, responsible, stable state – national referendum for constitutional change in order to perfect governance, state responsibility, checks and balance, and to ensure stability

2.2 Professional Public Service

2.3 Public Service with right mindset

2.4 Public Service without corruption

2.5 Fair representation of social groups

2.6 Responsible law enforcement

2.7 Independent Judicial Governance

2.8 Apolitical Judicial Administration

2.9 Fair Judge – Fair Decision

2.10 Criminals – Real liability

2.11 Well deserved prizes

THREE: MONGOLIAN PERSON IS VALUABLE ASSET OF MONGOLIA

3.1 State policy for its people

3.2 Definite Health Policy

3.3 Accessible Health service

3.4 National Plan for ‘Health precaution of Mongolian Person’

3.5 The basis is health body

3.6 Mongolian person with compatibility

3.7 Practical knowledge

3.8 Mongolia with cultural heritage

3.9 Home based world education

3.10 Opportunity to study abroad

3.11 Youth development

3.12 Investor citizen

3.13 Support for nomads

3.14 Reachable social protection

3.15 Skill – Social Guarantee: Special attention to those in educational and health sector

3.16 Gender equality

3.17 Mother and children

3.18 Mongolians living abroad

3.19 Support for science and technology

3.20 Research, development fund

3.21 Homeland invitation to skilled human resource abroad

3.22 Urbanization – solution for national development

3.23 New settlements – New infrastructure

3.24 New railway routes

FOUR: MIDDLE CLASS – WEALTH CREATION

4.1 Middle class with compatibility

4.2 Stable and growing economy

4.3 National productivity

4.4 Mutual trust – Investment

4.5 Diversified economy

4.6 New manufacturing policies

4.7 Production requires higher technology

4.8 Energy export

4.9 Well-sold resources

4.10 Saving fund for a future generation

4.11 ‘Economic Passage’ agenda

4.12 New Countryside (Khuduu)

4.13 Rural development

4.14 Small and middle size production – creation of new jobs

4.15 Start-Up business

4.16 Investment Market Reform

4.17 Mongolia before offshore

4.18 Productive State property

4.19 Regional tourism

4.20 Mongolian Content

FIVE: NATIONAL SECURITY; FOREIGN POLICY

5.1 Multi-Pillar Foreign Policy

5.2 Good neighbor Policy

5.3 Third neighbor Policy

5.4 Active international cooperation

5.5 Opportunity for visa free travel

5.6 Green development – safe environment

5.7 Environment Protection

5.8 Eco-friendly vehicle

5.9 Clean air, water, and coil

5.10 Water

5.11 Responsible Mining

5.12 Healthy Food

5.13 High quality medicine

5.14 Defense Policy

5.15 Mongolian Soldier – Peace Soldier

5.16 Arming and technological reform

5.17 Capacity to protect the border

5.18 National Citizen Protection –earthquake, conflagration, flood and others

5.19 Prevention for possible terrorist risks

5.20 Online safety

5.21 Strong fight against marijuana

5.22 World known Mongolia

If I will be elected as a president, I will keep the succession of state policy, and ensure participation and representation of all social class, and work together with State Great Khural and Government in order to implement this platform.

The execution of platform will be led by myself, and my action will reflect my promises (it won’t be all talk no action), and each year I will report the result of my work to the people and State Great Khural.

Posted in Elections, Mongolian People's Party, Politics, Presidential 2017 | 1 Comment

S Ganbaatar’s Election Platform

Translation by Bulgan B

Below we’re offering a translation of S Ganbaatar’s presidential campaign platform. We also hope to post translations of the other two platforms.

By providing an English translation, we want to make information available to non-Mongolian readers to allow them to get a sense of S Ganbaatar (and the others) as a candidate. We have attempted to translate the platform to the best of our ability, but not to linguistic, rather to substantive standards.

If you have any comments on the translation, please do use the comment function below.

MPRP 2017 Presidential Election Candidate Sainkhuu GANBAATAR’s Election Platform

“To begin a grand journey”

Slogan: Let’s choose Mongolia (Монголоо сонгоё)

  1. To rid of unemployment and poverty by walking the talk
  2. To establish Justice
  3. To worship the higher public interests
  4. To take pride in being born Mongolian
  5. To increase the worth of “Mongolian person”
  6. To reach success by resolving pressing challenges
  7. To own “the three beautiful”
  8. To match the word and action
  9. To begin a grand journey

Part One

An issue: One of the most pressing challenges of today is the gap between the election promises made by the political parties and their action after the election. Citizens criticize that this gap is making the government irresponsible thus demanding it to be fixed.

An issue: According to the citizens, unemployment is one of the main factors that outrage the public. The current government could not resolve this pressing challenge in an urgent manner and unemployment has been increasing over 10%. Therefore, the unemployment, directly and indirectly causing despair in our society, leading many good Mongolian (youth – залуус) to abandon their motherland to pursue employment and income in other countries.

An issue: As the political, social and economic crisis deepens the income of the public is reduced, making the poverty as the most pressing challenge according to researches published by research organizations such as “sant maral”.  According to a research, people in poverty and families in poverty cannot purchase more than most basic necessities, hardly surviving, let alone planning their future. In order to get out of this political, social and economic crisis, everyone should get into action of:

  • Making the government accountable;
  • Reducing and eliminating unemployment;
  • Reducing and eradicating poverty.

Part Two: To Establish Justice

An issue: Today, citizens see that because of unemployment and poverty, the gap between the rich and poor is increasing, and relatively well-off middle class is decreasing which illustrates the loss of justice and therefore creating environment which would cause a loss of social stability. Especially, the offshore account issues are causing a major public outrage.

An issue: Citizens see that establishing justice means returning the money deposited in offshore accounts back to Mongolia, spending that money in resolving the pressing issues of economy and society, receiving equal benefit of natural resources, improving the condition to study in higher education, expanding the healthcare quality and scope, reducing the public service bureaucracy, fairness in legal and judiciary organizations activities. The time has come that the government, officials see, listen and understand that the public is demonstrating, protesting en masse to establish this kind of justice. Behind this fight, the question of whether the justice would be established in Mongolia is being raised and therefore every Mongolian person should speak out for justice which has historical significance of equalizing the fate of the Mongolians.

Part Three: To Worship the Higher Public Interests

An issue: All Mongolians are publicly aspiring “To ” and deep in their heart feel and understand that “If don’t part now, it will be late”.  The roots of the success in reaching this aspiration is to put the party interests to the back and Mongolians interests in priority. So, Mongolians can the his/her, his/her family, and his/her children’s fate.

Part Four: To Take Pride in Being Born Mongolian

An issue: Although , we are united under the sacred name Mongolia and take pride in being born Mongolian. Since the ancient time Mongolians worshiped justice, and did not tolerate injustice which made us stand out from others. We are truly Mongolians therefore are obliged to serve the deed of re-establishing justice which is rare in Mongolia now.

An issue: Strong and solid unity founded on justice, intensive development policy founded on strong and solid unity, vigorous activities founded on intensive development policy, “match of word and action” in Mongolia:

  1. Reforming and founding accountable government;
  2. Solidly establishing justice;
  3. Eliminating unemployment;
  4. Eradicating poverty.

An issue: Consequently, Mongolian youth would be provided with employment reliably and would have a guaranteed income. They would not need to abandon their mother land to chase job and income. Thus, Mongolian family and Mongolian public will be complete (unbroken, or whole).

Part Five: To Increase the Worth of “Mongol Hun”

An issue: Because politics, society and economy are in crisis, the worth of “Mongol Hun” is deteriorated. But Mongolians have been justice revering and brave people who loved their motherland thus saving its independence in the heart of the Asian continent and therefore a people with lots of worth and history of victory. For such beautiful public, the government should ensure employment and income to all, ensure education to the youth, and keep the senior healthy so that every Mongolians worth would increase. In any country, the public who can demand the government instead of begging it and having the government serving them are the public that is worthwhile. The time has come to show that Mongolians are just, brave and demand the government to action the promises!

We can do it!

Part Six: To Reach Success by Resolving to Face Challenges

An issue: The challenges we are facing are:

  1. Unaccountability
  2. Unemployment
  3. Poverty
  4. Injustice

An issue: Our successes are:

  1. Justice;
  2. Employment and income;
  3. Great upbuilding (Их Бүтээн Байгуулалт)
  4. Solidarity.

An issue: In resolving the pressing challenges and reaching the success would not cost large amount of extra spending. Working together in leveraging right mind, experience, knowledge and education and respecting public interests the pressing challenges could be resolved and success could be reached in the approved budget of today.

Part Seven: To Own the Three “Beautiful” (good)

An issue: Mongolian in Mongolia, owning the country’s natural resources would mean shifting the center of attention from officials who are shielded by the name of the government and sitting protected in the middle of all and creating a just system which can protect the Mongolian (Монгол хүн). The existence of Mongolia therefore would mean existence for creating good life for Mongolian public and Mongolian (Монгол хүн) and his/her interests would be in the center of everything.

An issue: We are called Mongolians because we traversed the past together. However, the sacred name Mongolians do not only belong to the passed and gone. The moment that we imagine that we will create and carve our future together, and then we can stay and continue to exist as Mongolians, the Mongolians will own the three beautiful:

  • Owner of a beautiful fate
  • Owner of a beautiful natural resources
  • Owner of a beautiful Mongolia.

Yes, we are the owners of these!

We have one future to become the owner of these!

Part Eight: To match Word and Action

An issue: Today, in Mongolia a person who “walks the talk” and “creator” is needed a lot (as much as water and air). A person who tells the truth when talking, do good when doing, aim to accomplish when going. Mongolians, let’s become a person who deliver on his/her promise, and who matches its word and action.

Part Nine: To Begin a Grand Journey

An issue: We are beginning a grand journey with objectives to:

  1. Have accountable government;
  2. Establish justice;
  3. Create employment;
  4. Eradicate poverty;
  5. Strengthen solidarity.

In this grand journey, we will be the real owners of Mongolia, own the natural resources, will increase the value and worth of Mongolian and Mongolia will be energized.

Our grand journey is a journey to happiness!

Long live Mongolia! (Мандтугай)

May Mongolians rise and thrive forever!

Posted in Elections, Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, Presidential 2017 | Tagged | 3 Comments

Three-Way Race

By Julian Dierkes

Now that we have three confirmed candidates, let’s think about how the campaign and vote might unfold.

First, a humble attempt at a joke that emerged from a tweeted discussion about politicians’ nick names:

[city boy = Enkhbold M as he presents himself as a country-side horse breeder, but has spent his life in Ulaanbaatar and has his political strength in the city, judoka = Battulga, Feng Shui = Ganbaataar who sold Feng Shui paraphernalia at some point in his career.]

I also used this quip in a recent article for The Diplomat that aimed to give an introduction/overview over the candidates.

Will Three-Way Race Lead to Run-Off?

There has never been a run-off in Mongolian presidential elections. Note that voter participation has to be above 50% for a valid vote, and a single candidate has to receive more than 50% to avoid a run-off.

There is a reasonable case that suggests that the current constellation of candidates makes a run-off more likely than previously. It seems quite possible that Battulga and Ganbaatar can win 50% between the two of them, leaving less than 50% of the vote for Enkhbold and forcing a run-off, likely two weeks later. The case for this suggests that the DP should be able to mobilize voters roughly at the level of last year’s parliamentary election (33%), while the MPRP will likely generate a share of 10%+, so with some of the swing vote going to protest voters or voters opposed to MPP dominance, it seems imaginable that Battulga receives close to 40% and Ganbaatar more than 10%.

Votes for Ganbaatar or Battulga could be a positive vote for either candidate, or a protest against Enkhbold or MPP domination, or a desire for a second round of voting for a clearer choice.

Given that the DP and MPRP candidates seem to be arranged as an antithesis (current power constellation, personality, etc.) to Enkhbold, it seems unlikely that either would top Enkhbold’s vote count.

Of course, given the unpredictability of Ganbaatar and Battulga in their past political utterances and campaigning, either of them might well self-destruct at some point during the 18-day campaign period.

If a second round of voting does become necessary, all bets are off, as it would remain to be seen whether the candidate eliminated might endorse either of the remaining candidates, and the extent one or another of the candidates might scare off the electorate through their volatility.

 

Posted in Democracy, Democratic Party, Elections, Mongolian People's Party, Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, Party Politics, Politics, Presidential 2017 | Tagged | Leave a comment

Initial Campaign Impressions

By Julian Dierkes

After a first full day of campaigning, here are some very quick, superficial impressions of the presidential election campaign.

These are based largely on Twitter and some emailing, as I am about to get on a plane headed for Ulaanbaatar, to see more of the campaign live in Mongolia.

Social Media

I was astonished especially in the 2016 parliamentary election, how little strategic use of social media candidates seemed to be making. Yes, there was some campaigning, but it was fairly unimaginative and basically used social media as a broadcast medium for official campaign messages, but less to engage voters directly.

Caveat: I myself mainly focus on Twitter and recognize that Facebook is in even greater use in Mongolia. Given algorithmic bubbles and all, I might simply be missing a lot of traffic and strategic campaigning.

So, will this change in this election? Will we see a more strategic use of social media?

Hashtags are generally not used much in Mongolia so far, but the MPP/Enkhbold campaign does seem to be rolling out hashtags that are also used by supporters.

Examples:

Over at the DP, have they set up a dedicated campaign account?

https://twitter.com/Battulga2k17

The 2k17 name seems a bit odd, but the links are to official campaign sites, so perhaps this has been created by the Battulga organization. Or, perhaps it is an account set up for dark campaigning?

Campaign Fashion

I don’t recall seeing quite so many deels on the candidates themselves or among their supporters. This seems to go along with the frequent use of Mongolian, Mongolia, etc. to give the campaign a bit of a nationalist flavour, perhaps?

Here, a snapshot of a campaign poster where Ganbaatar is posing with Enkhbayar:

How about Battulga in this handsome black-with-silver-dots deel:

Or, another version here:

Then, Enkhbold in a less flashy, more country burgundy deel:

Posted in Elections, Nomadism, Presidential 2017, Social Media | Tagged | Leave a comment

New President, New Foreign Policy?

By Julian Dierkes

The Mongolian constitution assigns responsibility for international relations to the president. Ts Elbegdorj has been very active in this regard for the past eight years of his two terms as president. With the election campaign getting ready to kick off on June 6, here is some speculation about what a new president might mean for Mongolia’s international relations, following on some of the questions on this subject Mendee raised in a previous post.

Economic Concerns are Foreign Relations Concerns

First of all, according to Spring-time polls, economic concerns are still top-of-mind for most Mongolians. Obviously, given Mongolia’s status as an emerging resource nation, economic concerns are closely tied to the mining economy which in turn is dependent on foreign investment (to some extent) and exports (to a very large extent). To the extent that international relations will show up in constructive parts of the campaign (never mind dark campaign rumours about various foreign ties of candidates), it is thus most likely going to relate to attempts to bring foreign investment back to the mining sector, to push toward diversification, and to ensure benefits from the mining economy that extend beyond the families of those directly employed or active in the industry.

The Candidates

None of the three candidates have an international profile, nor do they seem particularly adept at or interested in foreign relations.

Obviously, Enkhbold’s current role as party and Great Khural chair put him in contact with international relations more directly and also means that he has travelled on government business more than Battulga and Ganbaatar have as MPs. Very specifically, the MPP government was already in place for last year’s ASEM summit and Enkhbold was significantly involved in hosting that meeting.

Through his role as president of the judo federation, Battulga does travel and certainly is experienced in international sports diplomacy. International relations via sport is a very particular perspective on diplomacy, but still one could also point to significant parallels.

I am not aware that any of the three are perceived as particularly friendly with Russia or China, or any of the Third Neighbours.

Decline in Visibility at UN/Internationally

It is fairly clear that the shift from Pres. Elbegdorj to a successor will bring an immediate decline of Mongolia’s international visibility and stature. This will have far-reaching consequences for Mongolia, though the extent to which these are immediate and material consequences will have to be seen.

Many of the occasions of Mongolia’s relative prominence in international affairs (e.g. Community of Democracies, Freedom Online Coalition, nuclear-free status, ASEM summit) have been perceived abroad as tied relatively closely to Pres. Elbegdorj.

Wither Third Neighbours?

The overall decline of Mongolian visibility with the end of Pres. Elbegdorj’ term in office will also apply to relations with third neighbours. Whatever Mongolians might think about Elbegdorj’ self-portrayal as a democratic revolutionary and champion of democracy abroad, he was credible in this presentation and thus had an easy time with many third neighbours.

Commercial relations with third neighbours, especially potential mining investors from countries like Australia and Canada, will be more difficult for any of the candidates. While Enkhbold will at least claim stability as a virtue (if only Theresa May’s “strong and stable” had turned into a bandwaggon), Battulga and Ganbaatar will both be perceived as somewhat dangerous populists making relations with third neighbours more difficult.

Wither Neighbours?

As all Mongolian politicians do, the new president will have to deal very directly and carefully with China and Russia,  its direct neighbours.

Enkhbold has been on numerous official visits to both in his various positions in government. He could thus be assumed to have a personal and official network.

This is less clear about Battulga and Ganbaatar, though Jenco is at least rumoured to have many business ties to either neighbour.

Wither Innovation

Quietly, there have been a number of innovations in Mongolian foreign policy over recent years. The MPP has shown a very limited desire to adopt policies of the DP as their own, so it would seem likely that a President Enkhbold would discontinue theses while their fate would be uncertain under Ganbaatar or Battulga.

ICF

The International Cooperation Fund has operated as Mongolia’s development aid for some years. It has already suffered from budget cuts under recent austerity measures, but will it continue at all after the election? The most interesting aspect to me has been the notion that Mongolia may not provide a best practice example to some of its development partners around Asia, but a relevant example! It would be unfortunate if that idea was abandoned.

Digital Diplomacy

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been fairly active in various digital domains, for example with activities ahead of the ASEM summit. Will these be abandoned. None of the three candidates seem particularly interested in digital domains, nor in foreign policy…

Wither Development Aid

The general loss of Mongolian visibility coupled with some of the challenges in relations with third neighbours I listed above may signal an overall decline in development aid directed at Mongolia, esp. if current commodity prices continue to rise and make Mongolia’s position less precarious.

Wither Elbegdorj?

For a long time, I have assumed that Pres. Elbegdorj would seek some kind of senior position in the UN system. There have been no concrete mentions of that recently. But, I imagine that this is still a possibility. Such an appointment might salvage some of the decline in Mongolia’s visibility internationally.

Conclusions

It is hard to see how any of the three candidates would boost Mongolia’s standing internationally, in part because Pres. Elbegdorj has personally outshone the country for some time. Obviously, any of the three of them might grow into a more presidential, visible and innovative foreign policy role, but none of them really give indications of that, and at this point it seems unlikely that foreign policy will feature prominently in the campaign to give an indication of future developments.

Posted in China, Foreign Policy, International Relations, Mongolia and ..., North Korea, Presidential 2017, Russia, South Korea, UN, United States | Tagged | 1 Comment

Presidential Election: Diversion Tactics – Chinese Erliiz (Hybridity)

by Mendee

One of the classic belittling methods among Mongolian political candidates has been to call each other an ethnic hybridity of either Chinese or Russian and Mongolian.  This causes one to engage in fruitless defensive effort to prove his/her Mongolian origins whereas the other to use all available schemes to spread the hybridity rumours (erliiz, hurliiz). Very few stand up for the victim because s/he could fall into the same hybridity category.  Everyone Mongolian can recall or tell story about this ‘hybridity and origins’ fight, starting from kindergarten to universities.  It does more emotional and mental harm to individuals since the issue cannot be resolved scientifically and/or officially.  Once it becomes political, it can easily erode the social capital of the community and nation – ‘the unity.’

Ethnicity Questions in Past Elections

In this election, we are about to witness very familiar debates.  Tweets, posts, and rumours about hybridity of all three candidates are out.  This was the case for many presidential candidates, Ochirbat (in 1993 and 1997), Enkhsaikhan (2005), and Elbegdorj (2009) were framed and attacked respectively.  At the most dramatic scene, President Elbegdorj flew to his home province and asked his mother about his father’s ethnicity with tears in his eyes.  In reality, this could be labeled as an interesting ‘diversion tactic’ for the election.  It directs the voters’ attention to endless, nonsense debate and rumours while putting their opponents in difficult situations since there is no simple, effective solution.

More Important Issues

But, this diverts voters’ attention from many important issues.  Here are some critical issues for the presidential candidates in this election.  Voters should know where these candidates stand and whether they have practical, lasting solutions.

Foreign Policy – instead of triggering rumours about hybridity, candidates should be presenting their strategies on foreign policy.  In a new geopolitical environment, Mongolia needs to take advantage of the Chinese regional economic initiatives, to cultivate Russian economic and security interests, and to consolidate its ties with ‘third neighbours.’  A small state, with little capacity to influence policies in major capitals, should pursue unified and sustainable foreign policies – rather than, as happened in last several years, President, Prime Minister, and Speaker rush to the same capital (Tokyo or Berlin) within a few days solely for their personal, party, and may be governmental branch (institutional) interests.  Voters and professionals at the foreign service need to know if the new president continue these uncoordinated foreign policy endeavours or endorse professionally-driven, pragmatic foreign policies.

Judiciary & Law Enforcement – all public polls and the majority of reports, foreign and domestic alike, have been demonstrating the societal wish for justice and the rule of law.  Efforts to reform and, especially, to increase the independence of the judicial and law enforcement were plenty in the past.  But, none of these reforms have been complete and fully satisfactory.  Probably all, (except those benefiting or having ability to protect their rights within the current system), want to see the judiciary and key law enforcement agencies (e.g., anti-corruption and police) investigate and penalize corruption cases effectively.  These institutions exist, people want justice, and professionals need political assurances.  Will the next president fight to provide the political assurances and professional freedom to judiciary and law enforcement to bring the justice?  Will the president improve the institutional resilience of these organizations to withstand against political-economic factions or influential individuals?

Public Service – the most debated theme during all elections. But, the winning party (DP in 1996, MPP in 2000, DP in 2012, MPP in 2016) forgets its pre-election promises.  Fine laws, (with clear purpose of depoliticizing the public service) were approved, revised, and publicized.  Again, party leaders forgot to implement.  The professional meritocracy was briefly re-introduced by Prime Minister Bayar in 2008/2009 and talked by DP leaders in 2012.  However, because of the cartellization of the party and factional competition, party leaders couldn’t reach their election promises of making the public service – professional, apolitical, and continuous.  The trading of the public offices began in the late 90s by both DP and then MPP.  During the coalition governments (2004-2008, 2012-2016), coalition governments divided up specific ministries, agencies, and state-owned enterprises as if it was the privatization process of the government (cabinet).  Now, voters and public servants are entitled to know whether the next president makes any promises and commitments to the public service.  Will the president make either professional or political merits in changing public servants in security organizations?  Or, will the president to end the politicization of the public service by making it  a true policy ‘gatekeepers’ in the era of populism?

These could be main themes for this presidential election, rather than engaging in childlike, never-ending, fruitless hybridity debates and rumours.  As professional politicians, candidates lay out their foreign policy approaches and explain practical plans to de-politicize the judiciary, law-enforcement, and public service.   All these institutions, in turn with support from a strong president, stop the cartellization of political parties and trading of professional posts.  Otherwise, the profit-based structuralization of parties would NOT increase the public trust, raise the confidence of public servants/professionals, and gain support from business sectors.

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Presidential Election: A Game Already Started

By Mendee 

It seems the election battle already began in the Mongolian social media.  Tweets and posts about educational levels of three candidates were the first theme, but didn’t travel well.  Then, the classic technique of alleging candidate’s ethnic links, especially to Chinese-origin, has triggerred heated responses and most likely continue for this election.  A few days ago, the MPP-dominated parliament endorsed Prime Minister’s decision to remove the Minister for Education, Culture, and Science for several mistakes.  Was it a tactic of either the MPP or Prime Minister Erdenebat to demonstrate their ability and desire to hold their members accountable? Then, the Democratic Party organized an open hearing about the leaked MPP conversation on appraising senior and mid-level posts – which is, indeed, an important topic to scrutinize in order to move away from the patronage politics.

For sure, the game already started, players are ready, referees (GEC and judiciary) are not changed since last elections, and observers (e.g., OSCE and CSOs) are in place.  Probably, this election will not shake the overall political landscape, but it will shape the power dynamics within two major political parties and decide the fate of the third party.

The Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) is in most advanteous position at a moment.  It constitutes a supreme majority in the parliament, runs the government (i.e., a single-party government), and controls all provincial governors and citizens’ councils, except Zavkhan province. Also, the MPP regained its control over the capital city and its districts.  Basically, the MPP is in charge of the legislature and government (central and local).  The parliament has conducted a number of major fact-finding investigations, including the Chinggis Bond spending, Erdenet copper factory, and the Bank of Mongolia.  All served to disclose facts related inefficient and unaccountable cabinets of the Democratic Party dominated legislature and government.  The MPP is well-organized, disciplined, and united behind its presidential candidate.  But, Enkhbold’s departure will definitely trigger the power struggle among two major factions:  Prime Minister Erdenebat, who has backing of Enkhbold versus Deputy Premier Khurelsukh, who gains the popularity among young members.  The current setting is quite similar to 2001, when the MPP had control the legislature, cabinet, and local governance.  If Enkhbold loses, he will be still in charge of the MPP politics, but needs to manage the imminent power struggle.

The Democratic Party (DP) is in difficult situation.  Its popular leaders and influential members are divided, some (e.g., Bat-Uul, Amarjargal, Temuujin, Baabar) openly expressed their discontent to current party leadership, procedures for selecting the candidate, and even the candidate himself. The party has limited access to the state resources, lost its ideological orientations, and most importantly, lacks unity among key factions.  At the same time, although the party’s one of the key leaders holds the presidency, he needs remain politically neutral under the constitutional mandate.  This means, Shonkhor faction (Erdene, party chairman, and Z. Enkhbold, former speaker) and Mongolian Democratic Union (i.e., faction) need to shoulder all responsibility to support its candidate.  It would be quite costly elections for the DP candidate.  At the moment, many members of the DP would like to see how things will go with this election.  Aftermath of the election, the power dynamics of the DP will be shaped to compete in the 2020 parliamentary elections. This will be time for many members and supporters to make tough, uncertain choices.

The Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party (MPRP) is the only surviving third party.  Its power base is in decline since it lost many of its key members and local branches.  Enkhbayar’s re-entry into the politics have been clearly constrained (mostly by legal mechanisms).  Because of disagreements over the party’s presidential candidate, relationship among MP Baasankhuu, Chairman Enkhbayar, and candidate Ganbaatar appears to be quite conflictual. Given the past records of third party candidates in the presidential elections, the likelihood of gaining above 14 percent is unlikely.  But, no one will surprise if Ganbaatar will score higher, but that would be dangerous to the DP candidate and causes the second run between two main parties.  Neverthlesss, the MPRP’s leverage over the domestic politics will decline until the 2020 parliamentary elections.

Finally, the Constitutional Referendum would be the most interesting aspect of this election since none, except the MPP-dominated parliament, would tell how this would be done.  Would it be used to increase the voter turnout? Even though voters don’t like all three candidates, for instance, many could be interested in participating in the first-ever constitutional referendum voting.  Or, would it be used as a safey valve (or a hidden card) for the MPP parliament to reduce the power and authority of the new president if the MPP loses in the election?  This makes the politics very interesting and fresh. Let’s wait and see.

 

Posted in Democratic Party, Elections, Mongolian People's Party, Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, Party Politics, Presidential 2017 | Tagged | Leave a comment

North Korea Turmoil = Mongolian International Relations Role

By Julian Dierkes

Some months ago, I speculated about the implications that a changed foreign policy under U.S. Pres. Trump might have for Mongolia.

I was certainly right about one aspect:

[W]ith Donald Trump becoming U.S.-president, I have to add a fairly random element to any risk assessment that acknowledges the utter unpredictability of the new president.

If anything, foreign policy (to the fortunately limited extent that it is made by the President) has become even more unpredictable than one might have expected. This also holds for areas of U.S. foreign policy that matter to Mongolia.

For example, China. Here, Trump continues to wildly swing his foreign policy bat all over the place. From the early phone conversation with Taiwanese Pres. Tsai, to subsequent cozying up to Chinese Pres. Xi, it is impossible – so far – to take a guess at what random twitches of foreign policy in U.S.-China relations might come next.

The Stickiness of the North Korea Issue

While much presidential foreign policy has been random, on one topic, this has produced more concern, but perhaps also an actual shift in policy, namely North Korea. It does seem like missives from Pres. Trump and those around him suggest somewhat consistently that the days of “strategic patience” are over. Perhaps this is not surprising, as “patience” will probably not emerge as one of  the hallmarks of Pres. Trump’s term in office.

Given the concurrent shift that is signalled by the election of Pres. Moon in South Korea, but also the persistence of North Korean missile tests, it does seem like the DPRK is on Pres. Trump’s mind in a very prominent way. And so, a “particular focus” is reported from the G7 Summit.

And Mongolia?

Of course, Korea (North and South) is of significance to Mongolia. Any notion of a Northeast Asian region includes the Koreas, whether it is the Greater Tumen Initiative, or any other conceptualization of the region. Clearly, South Korea is an important Third Neighbour and commercial partner. Some years ago there were even some tentative attempts to establish commercial relations with North Korea.

But it is Mongolia that may be important to the world in the context of concerns about North Korea.  Mongolia’s links with North Korea remain strong in a unique way around the world.

What the Washington Post’s David Jones wrote about this connection in 2009, still holds today.

the curiously warm relationship between North Korea and Mongolia, an important U.S. aid recipient and perhaps the world’s only democracy that can honestly call North Korea its friend.

Time and again, the Mongolian government has offered its services in brokering contact between the government in Pyongyang and the U.S. Over the years, there have been various meetings of this kind with U.S. or Japanese involvement and the general tenor always seems to be that North Korean participants in such meetings are generally comfortable in Ulaanbaatar which gives such meetings an advantage over attempts to meet in Beijing or Moscow, for example.

If the U.S. administration develops some kind of coherent stance toward the DPRK that is different from previous attempts at engagement, at some point Mongolian offers to host meetings or broker discussions may prove valuable. This could be the case even if the South Korean government under Pres. Moon also chances its stance. Any such shift might even be followed by Japanese PM Abe who could see this as an area for constructive collaboration with the U.S., but also with South Korea, but probably without China.

Discussions could come in formal contexts like the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue that was initiated by still-barely-President Elbegdorj and is set to meet again in June 2017, or through less formal, more direct contacts.

If, on the other hand, the situation becomes more confrontational, North Korean trust and comfort with Mongolian officials could be a lifeline – literally – in the event of some kind of crisis.

As I wrote in the earlier piece, however, given Trumpian volatility, it is not clear that Mongolian policy makers should wish for the attention that a shift in relations with North Korean might bring.

Addendum

Here’s a reaction I received to a tweet about this post:

Trip Edington’s pointer got me thinking about what trajectory US policy toward the DPRK might take and what this could mean for Mongolia.

The US seems to be leaning heavily on allies to cut all ties with Pyongyang. For example, in Berlin – where I am based at the moment -, a quiet scandal has been brewing over some weeks now linked to the hostel that the North Korean embassy runs on its ground in central Berlin. Apparently, the hostel finances embassy operations, but the cause for the scandal seems to be the fact that the embassy has neglected to pay taxes on this enterprise. While this has been going on for some time, the moment to lean on the embassy for theses taxes could be a consequence of the US leaning on the German government to cut ties. This has also been suggested by some German academics.

In the Mongolian context, the US administration might thus well demand that Mongolia sever its relations with North Korea as a strategy of intensified isolation. For the US, this would be unfortunate as it would lose one possible avenue to approach Pyongyang in a way that could produce some kind of dialogue. At the same time, this could be very unfortunate for the Mongolian government as it might be forced into a situation where it has to give up one of its international relations, er, trump cards, so as not to anger the US.

Perhaps this year’s iteration of the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue (as mentioned above) will bring an indication of the direction that US views of the Mongolian-North Korean relationship will take. The Dialogue was originally opposed by the US precisely because it involved North Korean representatives and thus seemed to be a rival or side channel that would undermine the Six Party Talks. This opposition seems to have moderated in the last two years. On the other hand, the Dialogue is closely associated with Pres. Elbegdorj and his foreign policy, so a new Mongolian president might not be so inclined to maintain that forum if there is pressure from the US.

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Regions, Nutag, & Voter Allegiances in the Presidential Election

By Julian Dierkes

One of the interesting potential dynamics of the presidential campaign and election will be the regional distribution of votes among the three candidates.

The Regional Strengths of Political Affiliation

Conventional wisdom holds that the Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) is strong in the countryside while the Democratic Party (DP) dominates in Ulaanbaatar.

The reasons offered for this distribution is that the MPP inherited an intact party organization from the longtime state party, the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, giving it the ability not only to organize party members for campaigning in the countryside, but also distributing the spoils of political office (especially public jobs) among its members and supporters.

By contrast, traditional DP strength in Ulaanbaatar is often traced back to the democratic revolution of 1989/90 and a portrayal of this revolution as primarily an urban one, even though Ulaanbaatar, Erdenet and Dakhan as the three urban centres of the country included a much smaller proportion of the population at that time.

Country-Urban and Regional Divides in Mongolian Politics

The countryside and herding loom, er,  large in symbolic politics. Most politicians continue to refer to their rural/herding roots in speeches, even when those roots may lie two or even three generations in their family’s past. Members of parliament from outside of Ulaanbaatar are often accused of neglecting their regional roots for politics in the capital. The homeland (nutag) associations play a seemingly powerful role as lobby organizations but also in creating provincial caucuses or networks of politicians with common provincial roots.

Yet, as with so many aspects of Mongolian politics, this regional structuring does not translate into substantive politics. While it may have its roots in countryside organizations, it would be difficult to identify policies that the MPP has pursued or initiated of the past 25 years that offer more benefits to the countryside. At least rhetorically, the DP does appear to focus on Ulaanbaatar, but it does not seem to do so at the expense of rural development.

Likewise, it would be very difficult to divide aimags into political camps by sorting them as to the impact of mining on regional economies. While the impact of large-scale mining has been significant in some Gobi aimags and largely absent from Western aimags, this difference does not seem to translate into different political allegiances, last least not as mapped onto party politics.

The Roots of Presidential Candidates

Pres. Elbegdorj has long been identified as the leading politician from Khovd. Uvs is another Western aimag that has been over-represented in current Mongolian politics.

The current three candidates are almost equally clearly identified with specific aimags.

Enkhbold

Even though Enkhbold M has been elected to the State Great Khural from Tov, he is very much rooted in Ulaanbaatar. His political career began in Ulaanbaatar and his power within the MPP seems to derive from his command over the capital political machinery.

Will his Ulaanbaatar roots allow him to garner significant support in the capital where voters have previously been loyal to the DP? Or will DP loyalists eschew Enkhbold, but also not vote for their party’s more rural candidate, Battulga? Will they lend their votes in protest to populist Ganbaatar in significant numbers?

Battulga

Battulga is firmly rooted in Bayankhongor. He emphasizes his rural origins and seemed to rule Bayankhongor as “his” aimag for many years until his electoral defeat in 2016. Bayankhongor is wrecked by wide-spread “ninja” mining, but has benefitted relatively little from large scale industrial mining. His populist streak will likely lead him to question the benefits that nation-wide economic development (including development rooted in mining) will have for aimags that do not benefit directly.

But, his defeat in Bayankhongor call his potential appeal in other non-urban ridings into question. His populism might play well with some voters in Ulaanbaatar, but it will also put off some of their core electorate who still see the DP as a guarantor of democracy and further democratic development. Some of those urban voters may well turn away from all three candidates if loyalty does not persuade them to support Battulga.

Ganbaatar

Ganbaatar was also born in Bayankhongor which further reinforces the sense of two candidates (Genco and Feng Shui) lining up against one front-runner, as two candidates from Bayankhongor against the Ulaanbaatar urbanite.

However, Ganbaatar does not play up his Bayankhongor roots much. His appeal is largely that of a populist who does not even bother to offer simple solutions for complex challenges as so many other populists around the world do, but by asking simplistic questions of complex challenges. His popularity is said to be highest in Ulaanbaatar’s ger districts. His simple questions to complex challenges will play well among some voters, and will offer a chance at a significant protest to others, but it is unclear that he will be able to make in roads with rural voters who have long-standing loyalties to the DP or, more commonly the MVP.

The Impact of Regional Dynamics on the Outcome

The extent to which Ulaanbaatar voters will chose to protest or abstain with their votes may well determine the outcome of the election. If large numbers of urban voters stay away from the polls, Enkhbold’s chances at winning the first round of the election will rise. If urban voters will increase their participation as they did in 2016, a second round seems more likely, and their mobilization may well shape the outcome of that second round.

Posted in Countryside, Democratic Party, Elections, JD Democratization, Mongolian People's Party, Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, Party Politics, Politics, Presidential 2017 | Tagged | Leave a comment

What are Voters Looking For?

By Julian Dierkes

The campaign for the Mongolian presidency has not entered its hot phase yet but candidates have been confirmed. When Enkhbold M (MPP) and Battulga Kh (DP) were selected, I already reflected on them, another post focused on S Ganbaatar (if confirmed as MPRP candidate) and on the dynamics of a three-way race should follow.

The Electorate’s Mood

Generally, there has been less anxiety around the past presidential elections as the electoral procedure is very straightforward, i.e. direct election of a person, and thus seems less open to manipulation. Past victories have been readily accepted by the losing candidates. There is also generally less frustration with this election as it offers voters an opportunity to actually select a person, rather than contribute in a more diffuse fashion to a parliamentary majority.

Surveys

As has been the case around previous elections, ahead of the campaign season there are some public opinion polls that give us some indication of the mood of the electorate. In Spring 2017, there are two such surveys, Sant Maral Foundation‘s Politbarometer (supported by the Konrad-Adenauer-Foundation) and a poll conducted by the International Republican Institute with support from the Canadian government. The results of the Politbarometer can be found on the Sant Maral website (PDF), the IRI poll on their website (PDF).

I have previously discussed some of the methodological challenges that polling faces in Mongolia, leading me to the conclusion, that these poll results are best read as indications of tendencies in the electorate, particularly in over-time shifts, rather than as reflecting the electorate’s views more directly. The results for specific politicians should also not be taken as a prediction of election results. Yet, these polls continue to be the only publicly available data points regarding the electorate’s mood. And, with recent legislative changes, we might see another round of publicly-available polls before the campaign opens on June 6.

The clearest results from the most recent polls are probably indications of the electorate’s dissatisfaction with institutional politics, and the primacy of economic concerns as driving voters’ hopes for the election.

Dissatisfaction with Institutional Politics

[Below, I will refer to the two polls as SM for Politbarometer and as IRI for the IRI-initiated poll. Unless identified, I cite the nationwide number.]

In SM G-1 just over half of respondents (54.2%) approve or fully approve of the statement, “In principal, you can trust that the government is doing the right things for citizens”.

Fully 81.3% of respondents do not see political parties as representing public opinion (SM S6) and over half of them see “rather little” or no influence for voters (58.7%).

Of political institutions, political parties gather the least confidence. Only a third of respondents are confident or rather confident in parties (SM S12). On IRI’s list of 15 institutions, parties rank dead last with only 30% appreciating their performance. The presidency does not fare much better at 35% (IRI, p. 17).

Voters’ Hopes and Fears

As they did ahead of last year’s parliamentary election, Mongolians continue to identify the economy as the area of greatest concern. Thus nearly a third of respondents list unemployment as “the most important problem facing Mongolia” in an open-ended question (IRI, p. 7). The number is even higher in SM G4 where 43% rate unemployment as the top problem facing the nation.

Given some of the gently positive economic news around the rise in commodity prices and the likelihood of an IMF-brokered bailout, it is perhaps not surprising that the number of respondents who see a dire economic situation has dropped slightly. But at 82% (bad or very bad in IRI, p. 8) that is still a very high proportion and one has to imagine that voters will look for solutions to the economic troubles in the election campaign.

When asked which aspects of the government’s performance in the past 9 months Mongolians have been most pleased with, the answer is “fighting crime” where 38% see very good or good performance (IRI, p. 15). They are least impressed with the performance on air pollution which 80% (!) rate bad or very bad (IRI, p. 15). The bottom five in terms of satisfaction with performance are air pollution, reducing poverty (79%),  improving economy (73%), corruption (71%), affordable housing (64%) (IRI, p. 15).

Conceptions of Leadership

SM 3a points to the longing for a “strong hand” that is often attributed to Mongolians. 68.1% of respondents find a “a strong leader who does not have to bother with the Parliament and elections” good or rather good! That is a nearly identical number to respondents who support democratic governance (SM 3d, 70.2%).

One of the most interesting questions in the IRI survey is a comparison of the desirability of democracy vs. prosperity. I call this the Chinese question, as the Chinese government continues to argue that prosperity should come before individual rights/democracy. The responses from Mongolians are consistent in three IRI surveys: Democracy more/somewhat more important 49%, prosperity more/somewhat more important 38% (13% don’t know, IRI, p. 11).

The electorate seems somewhat disenchanted with the stability that the MPP promised in last year’s election compared to the relative chaos that the DP was perceived to have brought. Now only 26% expect a more stable political government as compared to August 2016 when this number was 41% (IRI, p. 13). While Enkhbold has disassociated himself from the current government, he will still have to grapple with the reduced confidence in the stability that the MPP might bring.

Note that the various SM questions that refer to individual politicians barely mention Battulga and Ganbaatar! Enkhbold gets more mentions, in part because he seemed much more likely to be nominated all along, but he does not receive very noticeable support other than in his (electoral) home of Tuv.

 

Posted in Corruption, Democracy, Democratic Party, Elections, Mongolian People's Party, Party Politics, Policy, Politics, Presidential 2017, Public Policy | Tagged | Leave a comment

Guest Post: Negative Income Tax I – Redistribution in Expanding Economies

By Ulrich Andree

Note: This is the first of three articles. For the extended original article see LinkedIn. The forthcoming posts will focus on (dis)advantages of a negative income tax, and on the implementation of a negative income tax in Mongolia, respectively.

Redistribution as Constitutional Obligation

According to Article 6 of the Constitution of Mongolia the existing wealth concerning land, its subsoil, forests, water, fauna and flora and other natural resources belong to the Mongolian people and every Mongolian citizen should participate in it. In order to achieve this goal, the Constitution provides for the development of a “social market economy” largely based on Western models in which the creation of a “welfare state” plays a central role.

The necessary revenues are to be obtained primarily through the development of mineral resources but also through the collection of legally established taxes general following Article 16, Paragraph 3 of the Constitution. And as in other countries too, taxes are levied on diffe­rent sources of income generation, assets and income use needed for the functioning and development of a modern state.

However, only a fraction of Mongolians participate in the growing prosperity of the country. And therefore the redistribution of tax revenues to needy domestic citizens is one of the pillars of a welfare state. Pursuing this goal a “Negative Income Tax – NIT” is a viable and promising solution to the challenge of how to achieve such redistribution.

“Expanding” vs. “Mature Economies”

In order to get access to the right and task adequately approach it is useful to distinguish between fully developed, “mature” economies and “expanding” ones which are in the set up, the development and the growth phase. To make this clear, the most important characteris­tics of mature economies are listed below:

Undoubtedly Mongolia belongs to the expanding group of economies and therefore an encompassing and integrated concept of tax and social transfer system should or maybe must have quite another architecture and design than in mature economies.

The Functioning and History of NIT

In principle, NIT represents the logical-consistent continuation of the tax rate into the area below the subsistence minimum which is defined by the state and which is usually not sub­ject to taxation. In this way, below the minimum subsistence level a tax is not deducted from zero but a negative amount which can be interpreted as a positive transferable income to the taxpayers/recipients concerned.

In order to illustrate the functioning of NIT here the following example: Assuming the Govern­ment would draw the income line at 10 million MNT per year and the NIT-rate is 50 percent. If the taxable/needy person – however one might define them – has no income at all, he/she would receive 5 million MNT – that is, 50 percent of the amount by which his/her income fell short of 10 million MNT. If the taxable/needy person earns 4 million MNT, he/she would get 3 million MNT from the government – again 50 percent of his/her income shortfall – for a total post-tax income of 7 million MNT [(10 – 4) * 0.5 = 3; 4 + 3 = 7. So as his/her earnings rise, his/her post-tax income rises too, preserving work incentives mainly basing on the drawn income limit and the tax rate.

The functional relationships between personal income, a given income limit and varying tax rate are shown in the following chart for a subsistence minimum of 10 million MNT and tax rates of 30, 50 and 70 percent. The areas forming the respective triangles ABC1, ABC2 and ABC3 represent the monetary redistribution volume of NIT. Additionally, there is represented a tax-line for a curve-shaped course f(PI) with an upper tax limit of 20 Mil. MNT and a lower refund limit of 8 Mil. MNT. In this case, the redistribution volume corresponds to the area ABC4.

This effect is very different from many social welfare programs, in which a household either receives all of a benefit or, if it ceases to qualify, nothing at all. The all-or-nothing model encourages what social scientists call “poverty traps,” tempting the poor not to improve their si­tuations.

In summary, the amount of individual NIT-entitled depends mainly on following influencing factors and correspondingly available information whereby the precisely prepared tax-rele­vant data in Mongolia are playing a very prominent role:

  • the available volume of the redistribution mass, which can be roughly determined from the amount of all government revenues minus the necessary current consumption and in­vestment expenditures (Government share),
  • the absolute level of the defined subsistence minimum,
  • the corresponding tax function/tax rate and
  • the number of eligible persons who can be determined as the resultant of the aforemen­tioned influencing main variables.

For this purpose, precisely prepared tax-relevant data are required which are still largely missing in the Mongolian tax administration.

The NIT-concept was already mentioned by the mathematician A.-A. Cournot as „impôt négatif“ 120 years ago and taken up again and elaborated in detail by Lady J. Rhys-Williams in the fifties of the last century, at the time called „social-dividend-type“. But the NIT really was known by the publication of the famous American economist and Nobel Prize winner Milton Friedman, who introduced this concept in his book “Capitalism and Freedom”, (Fried­man, Milton,, Capitalism and Freedom, University of Chicago Press 1962). In this book Fried­man acknowledged that some form of welfare was necessary in capitalist societies and that the state should play an important role in its provision.

Robert Moffitt noted another advantage of this instrument over other forms of state assistance: “No stigma attaches to the NIT.”( Moffitt, R. A., The Negative Income Tax and the Evolution of U. S. Welfare Policy, Journal of Economic Perspectives Vol. 17, 2003, 119 – 140, p. 124). It is noteworthy that just in the motherland of capitalism, the United States of America, experiments on NIT were carried out in the sixties and seventies of the last century. Although the results were fuzzy, probably because so many other factors were in play, the public reporting was tendentious and biased from the beginning. Presumably this attitude goes back to the deep-rooted self-understanding of American citizens towards their state which should intervene (even financially) in as few private matters as possible.

About Ullrich Andree

Dr. Ulrich F. H. Andree is a Visiting Professor at National University of Mongolia NUM
and public sector consultant.

Posted in Demography, Development, Economics, Policy, Public Policy, Public Service, Social Change, Social Issues, Taxes, Ullrich Andree | Leave a comment

Guest Post: Negative Income Tax II – Advantages and Disadvantages

By Ulrich Andree

Note: This is the second of three articles. For the extended original article see LinkedIn. The previous post focused on redistribution and the concept of an NIT. The final article will focus on the implementation of an NIT in Mongolia.

Economic Advantages and Disadvantages of NIT

The NIT concept in its pure form is an instrument that aims at the abolition of all social trans­fers in the long-term including public pensions, health and unemployment insurance and similar. Even if a complete abolition of these payments, may be difficult, the discussion of (dis)advantages below is based on an idealtypical implementation of NIT.

Advantages of NIT

The NIT could reduce observed deficiencies within the state redistribution system and maybe eliminate them in the ideal case because it would lead to a better coordination and later on integration of direct taxes and social transfers.

Higher Target Accuracy in the Granting of State and/or General Public Support

As generally known “absurd hikes” in the marginal rates can be observed due to the uncoor­dinated tax and transfer basis and schedules in the most existing welfare systems, especially because of uncoordinated income brackets and the sudden abolishment of transfers. If additional transfers to households with a different social status are taken into consideration, one can observe notable marginal rates which in certain cases can be higher than 100 percent. But by means of the correct design of NIT these excesses and misallocations could largely be remedied. The prerequisite for this, however, is the existence of an efficient tax admini­stration which is aware of all facts relevant to taxes and social transfers of each taxable/ needy citizen affected.

More Redistributive Justice

The amount for redistributive purposes in welfare states is so large that serious disincentives via progressive taxes and high social security contributions are unavoidable. What is urgently needed in Mongolia is an inventory of all redistributive measures, especially those which favour groups who do not belong to the “working” and “non-working poor”. The abolishment of those transfers connected with the concentration of redistribution to the „real poor“ could reduce redistributive activities, thus giving room to lower taxes and contributions. A rationally planned NIT could have pride of place with respect to the abolishment of the contrast between efficiency and justice.

Delay or Closure of “Rural Depopulation”

If all Mongolians would be guaranteed the same minimum income even in the most remote regions of the country, they hardly have any existenial reasons to go to the metropolitan are­as, especially to Ulaanbaatar. This migration leads to major problems including the slump into greater poverty due to lack of sufficient paid job opportunities or due to environmental pollution caused by the massive accumulation of yurts on the outskirts of the metropolitan areas.

In addition, many Mongolians must abandon their former place as herders, workers, traders, craftsmen etc. and leave their beloved families, relatives and friends in the countryside to earn livelihood in a completely strange environment. This is a disaster from the “human point of view” because it stresses or destroys the most personal relationships and/or forces their families to participate in the “vabanque game” – whether they remain in their native land or whether they take the risky step to go in unknown regions too.

Saving Social Bureaucracy Costs and Improving Tax and Social Transfers Transparency

The costs of social bureaucracy in Mongolia are enormous, and according to “Murray’s Law of Unintended Rewards” they have a tendency to expand even further. To that Murray re­marks: “„Any social transfer increases the net value of being in the condition that prompted the transfer.” (Murray, Charles, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980, Basis Books, New York 1984, p. 212 – 213)

That is why the abolishment of social transfers could reduce the cost for social bureaucracy and raise tax-related transparency considerably. The Government would no longer need the sprawling multiple agencies necessary to distribute food stamps, public housing, medical aid, cash welfare, etc. and a big number of community development programs. Nor would they need to pay the salaries and future pensions of public employees who run all these social programs.

Increase of Labour Incentives and Preservation of Free Labour Marktes

If NIT would be developed progressively, incentives to work would be retained for the trans­fer recipients, which might be stronger or weaker depending on the tax rate and the level of the minimum income. Concrete tax parameters are  a political decision and depends on facts.

Yet another NIT advantage is the liberalization of the labour market. No minimum wage would be necessary, since a minimum income now would be guaranteed. This would boost employment: as economists recognize, a legal minimum wage tends to increase joblessness by discouraging employers from recruiting unskilled labour. Therefore NIT, as a by-result, could subsidize unskilled jobs in decreasing the effective wages for the employers via a decline of the wage costs.

This proposal is connected with the perception that there is no general shortage of labour, but a shortage of „payable labour“, with the consequence of a high “pedestal unemployment”. And in Mongolia the current average wages are relatively low with the corresponding conse­quences for payable work.

Disadvantages of NIT

Some opponents of NIT fear following disadvantages which mainly concern the practical im­plementation:

Difficulties in Recording the Correct Tax Base

In practice there are a lot of obstacles which hamper the introduction of NIT. In order to be able to determine the number of people in need and the amount of NIT tax refunds accurate­ly, it is imperative to provide the appropriate statistical data which must be as detailed as possible concerning the individual situation of taxable/needy persons and taking into account their very personal circumstances and their associated tax-related burdens or social transfer claims, resulting from all of this.

To prevent individual tax cuts, tax evasion or social transfer fraud, the establishment of a highly qualified tax administration is indispensable. In this regard in Mongolia is still a lot of catching up to be done so that the introduction of a NIT is very closely linked to the creation of an efficient, country covering tax administration.

Difficulties in the Definition of the Beneficiaries and the Amount of the Subsistence Minimum

This problem is primarily connected to the question of the most suitable attribution units and the determination of the available redistribution amounts. Should incomes be determined at the individual, family, household level or something else?

Another problem is the determination of the total amount of the existence minimum which can be redistributed. The volume depends on many factors that are difficult to quantify “ex ante” and which are also related to overall economic development.

High Cost of Setting Up an Efficient Tax Administration

This objection can be unmasked as “pseudo-argument” because in Mongolia there already is a social transfer bureaucracy that is not very effective and efficient and which still has deve­loped a “life of its own”. It fuels Murray’s Law of Unintended Rewards because this bureau­cracy has a great interest in expanding its own scope by influencing politicians as well as trying to exercise power over the highest possible number of citizens. And politicians volunta­rily and involuntarily play the “useful idiots” who need a political platform to distribute benefits among the citizens.

This will give political interventionists the opportunities for further influence to support newly defined group interests with the aim of maximizing their votes. It is therefore essential to compare the high costs at present with the costs of creating and developing an efficient tax administration.

At the same time, one should also take into account the fact that an efficient tax adminis­tration is the indispensable basis for the functioning of a modern state which can not be dis­pensed with. The cost of a well-developed tax administration would certainly be much lower than that of a separate social bureaucracy.

Resistance by Powerful Stakeholders

This point leads to the “public choice theory”. Politically responsible persons and influental interest groups initially have their individual benefits in mind, and only consider the common good after that. The personal utility of a politician is vote maximizing and his/her prestige from a public office. In order to achieve this he/she will subordinate all political actions to the objective of a re-election, and will prefer interest groups that can support this goal. Since only well-organized groups are helpful, their interests are satisfied first.

But apart from this “disastrous alliance”, there is another interest group that probably would oppose the introduction of a NIT: the trade unions. However, their tasks generally are far more comprehensive than the negotiation of minimum wages and include, for example, regulations on working time, accident prevention, occupational safety, holiday arrangements, etc. Therefore, the tax-related concerns about about diminishing influence are largely un­founded.

And finally, there would remain the social transfer recipients themselves who, for psychologi­cal reasons, would estimate personal financial contributions and in-kind benefits higher than deductions from tax burdens. The latter are less noticeable and the politicians know this very well. From that it can be assumed that the abolition of the social transfer bureaucracy only can be enforced against the bitter resistance of these powerful stakeholders and its “stir­rups”, the politicians.

Decrease of Labour Incentives

The results concerning taking up a job are ambigious and are highly dependent on the speci­fic structure of NIT, both regarding the tax rate and the consideration of tax- and/or social-relevant facts. In the case of high reimbursement rates, the “underground economy” also comes into play, with the consequence that “non-working poor” can earn higher incomes than “working poor” or even regular employees. But usually the productivity of unskilled workers is often less than their total wage costs – one important reason why especially unskilled workers are the dominating group within the long-term unemployed.

And therefore, as Jamie Dimon, CEO of the Morgan Chase, has said on the occasion of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland: “I think negative income tax is a big solution for the low-skilled, to give people a living wage and the dignity of a job.” (http://markets.busi­nessinsider.com/news/stocks/how-negative-income-tax-earned-income-tax-credit-works-2017-1-1001702980). And this is especially true of the Mongolian labor market.

Non-Economic Reasons

Besides the economic reasons there are weighty non-economical considerations which plead for the implementation of NIT. The Mongolians are people who love their freedom, their inde­pendence and their self-resonsibility above all. They are proud of their great culture and no­madic heritage which dates back to the time of Chinggis Khaan and earlier. Therefore, in the souls of Mongolians, it is the greatest misfortune when they have to apply for state aid as “petitioners”. Or as one says in many countries of Asia: With this attitude they would “lose their faces” and would be “stigmatized”.

With the implementation of NIT this “social humiliation” would cease because all compulsory taxpayers/needy persons are already recorded in tax or transfer lists, regardless of the amount of their current income. The prerequisite for this, however, is that there would be a well equipped and well functioning tax administration whicht is still not the case to this day.

About Ullrich Andree

Dr. Ulrich F. H. Andree is a Visiting Professor at National University of Mongolia NUM
and public sector consultant.

Posted in Demography, Development, Economics, Health, Inequality, Policy, Public Policy, Public Service, Social Change, Social Issues, Taxes, Ullrich Andree | Leave a comment

Guest Post: Negative Income Tax III – Implementation

By Ulrich Andree

Note: This is the third of three articles. For the extended original article see LinkedIn. The first post focused on the concept of a negative income tax, the second, on its (dis)advantages.

The Implementation of NIT

The implementation of NIT obviously is a “force act” which affects the entire Mongolian society – the politicians, the public administration and, of course, all citizens. If a corresponding political decision is made to introduce NIT, which absolutely should be confirmed by a peo­ple’s referendum as in other countries of the world, it is very useful to carry out the imple­mentation in three steps.

Development of a Theoretical Tax Model

This is about the most accurate recording of all individual, family and special loaded influ­ence dimensions. The individual characteristics include, for example, body handicaps, chro­nic diseases and the like. To the family-related components belongs amongst other things the martial status (single, married, divorced, etc.), the number of children and other depen­dents who are in need of one-time or ongoing financial support of the taxpayer/ recipient. And the latter group includes, for example, special burdens resulting from illnesses, disabili­ties, accidents, loss of income caused by climatic conditions and natural catastrophes and similar reasons.

Econometric Parametrization on the Base of a Total Tax Model

In the second step the main point is to determine the parameters of each of the individual influencing factors quantitatively. This will lead to provisional tax tariff curves, tax-free subsis­tence minimums and corresponding tax burdens with rising positive income. The determina­tion of tax burden or relief rates is particularly important because the degree of politically intended redistribution as well as the total amount of tax redistribution volume is manifested in the tax function.

To determine the correct tax function it is very useful to carry out computer simulations which allow both a variation of the macroeconomic conditions as well as the determining parame­ters. Due to the enormous performance of modern computer systems, this is no longer a pro­blem and therefore should be applied intensively.

Conduct of Practical Field Experiments

Even though computer simulations are an indispensable tool for determining possible tax tariff functions, they cannot replace practical field tests. In order to obtain results as realistic as possible, even taking into account probably changes in the behavior of the beneficiaries, suitable cities or aimags should be selected the above described positive and negative effects are most likely to be expected. This could be the case, for example, concerning the capital city of Mongolia ,Ulaanbaatar, the second largest city, Erdenet (Orchon Aimag) or the third largest, Darkhan (Darkhan-Uul-Aimag).

Methodologically it would be important to form homogeneous comparison groups whose be­haviour is examined once in consideration of NIT and on the other side without the same one. This could be best done with a multi-year “cohort analysis” which is a subset of behavi­oural examinations that take the data from a given dataset and rather than looking at all users as one unit, it breaks them into related groups for analysis. These groups or cohorts usually share common characteristics or experiences within a defined time-span.

Summary and Conclusions

The implementation of NIT – in whatever form – very likely would lead to more redistribution equity and justice and would give the “working” and “non-working poor” a basic or even better chances to participate in the prosperity of Mongolia. It would pave the way from “Big State” to “Smart State”, since in the long run a proliferating and intransparent social bureau­cracy could be completely abolished and all responsibilities would be concentrated in the tax administration.

But even if the concept of NIT is methodologically and substantially totally convincing and its advantages outweigh by far, it is very likely that there will also be strong resistance from powerful stakeholders, such as those from politics, social administration, trade unions which all lose an important public forum for the attainment or exercising of power and/or personal profiling. And it is to be expected that also most citizens entitled to the grants will have a greater interest in receiving direct social monetary transfers and in-kind benefits.

Besides this, there are a large number of practical problems that must be moved out of the way, but which seem to be all solvable if necessary expertise is available. In this respect, Mongolia could learn a lot from the countries that have already dealt with NIT concepts.

The most notable advantage, however, is the fact that NIT would enable the participation of all citizens in the increasing wealth of Mongolia thereby meeting the constitutional require­ments and thus makes a decisive contribution to the society’s cohesion and welfare altoge­ther.

About Ullrich Andree

Dr. Ulrich F. H. Andree is a Visiting Professor at National University of Mongolia NUM
and public sector consultant.

Posted in Countryside, Demography, Development, Inequality, Public Policy, Public Service, Taxes, Ullrich Andree | Leave a comment

M vs Genco

By Julian Dierkes

The MPP has selected its chairman, Enkhbold M, to be nominated as candidate in the June 26 presidential election. The DP appears to have selected Battulga Kh., pending a party congress.

One question remains: Will Enkhbayar N somehow prevail in the courts to be accepted as a MPRP candidate in the election. That seems unlikely, but it is still unclear whether the MPRP will nominate someone else to run. None of the obvious candidates seem likely to trouble either “M” (Enkhbold M) or “Genco” (Battulga Kh).

The Fog over Democracy

During last year’s parliamentary election, many Mongolians expressed frustration over the lack of political choice offered to them. This led to a landslide win of the MPP, largely as a rebuke of the DP, and magnified by a hastily set-up first-past-the-post voting system.

How will Mongolians perceive a two-horse race between M and Genco? These candidates are likely to be perceived as embodying a common complaint about Mongolian politics, namely that it has become enshrouded in the two-party dominance by МАНАН (MANAN in English), the fog that has descended over Mongolian democracy.

MAH and AH are the Mongolian abbreviations forМонгол Ардын Нам (Mongolian People’s Party) and Ардчилсан Нам (Democratic Party), thus combined as MAHAN in a duopoly of power. How appropriate as Манан also means “fog”. Funny how some of these images permeate Mongolian politics, just think of Монгол Ардын Хувьсгалт Нам, the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, often referred to as МАХ Нам, or “meat party”.

The metaphor of the MAHAH fog has been around for some time. Initially, it was used simply to refer to the duopoly of political power between the MPP and DP. More recently, it has been used to refer to purported collusion specifically between President Elbegdorj and Enkhbold. This latter use is, of course, entirely based on rumours, but clearly seems to resonate with parts of the public. Under this use, Genco would not be seen as part of the fog.

How might M & Genco be perceived as the embodiment of this fog? They have been politicians for a long time, have served in various party and government functions. Neither of them has ever distinguished himself by any public dedication to concrete policy issues. Both of them are tainted by swirling rumours of corruption. That is true of almost all serving Mongolian politicians, of course, but their share of rumours seems to be even greater than the average.

Enkhbold M

M could probably best be described as a party apparatchik. While this term has traditionally been reserved in English for socialist party leaders during the Cold War, it would seem to apply to him fairly well.

He was born in 1964. He has been an active party official for 25 years, having been appointed as Deputy Governor of an Ulaanbaatar district in 1992. He jumped into national political prominence when he became chairman of the then-MPRP in 2005 following Enkhbayar N’s resignation in the course of Enkhbayar’s candidacy (and victory) in the 2005 presidential election.

When the MPRP withdrew from its coalition in Jan 2006, the turmoil led to Enkhbold being installed as prime minister and he served without any particular distinction in that office until he was succeeded by Bayar S in Nov 2007. He succeeded Enkhtuvshin O as party chairman (again) in Nov 2013.

Further to the apparatchik label, M’s main skill seems to be in managing his party. This he has been quite successful in. At the same time, I cannot think of a concrete major policy that M has championed on substantive not partisan grounds. Likewise, he has not been noticeable for encouraging deeper party-wide or wider political debates about the challenges that Mongolia faces. His success in managing the MPP has come largely through dealings outside of the public eye, rather than through rousing public speeches or the championing of a substantive platform.

He is a fairly uninspiring speaker and campaigner. I followed him for a day of campaigning in the 2012 election. In his aimag of Tov he appeared very much as a party apparatchik, i.e. fairly wooden in his public appearance, lecturing at potential voters rather than engaging them in any particular fashion.

Battulga Kh

By contrast, Genco is a significantly more colourful character.

Unlike many politicians who (sometimes not entirely truthfully) boast about their educational pedigree in a context where official candidates’ statements always include their degrees, Genco appears not to have attended university.

Instead, he has built a career paralleling his political career around judo and business.

Genco has long been active in the Mongolian Judo Association, serving as its president, and likes to appear with active judoka, particularly around major events like Olympic Games, etc. The fact that he also surrounds himself with burly judoka in his campaigns gives him a slightly thuggish image which he seems to like to cultivate. He appears to like to be photographed wearing a fedora and with a very serious facial expression.

His nickname derives from the corporation that he has established, Genco. Recently, he and Genco Tours have become especially associated with the Chinggis Khaan theme park that is being built around the marvellous mounted statue near Ulaanbaatar that has become a major tourist destination.

His political career has been rooted in his home province of Bayankhongor. He served in parliament from 2004 to 2016, including a stint as Minister for Road, Transportation, Construction and Urban Development from 2008 to 2012. He is the leader of the Mongolian Democratic Union faction (Монголын Ардчилсан Холбоо – MoAKh) within the DP.

One aspect that makes his nomination very curious is that he was not re-elected in the 2016 parliamentary election. Given all the advantages given to incumbents (majoritarian voting, shortened campaign period, etc.) and Genco’s national prominence as well as perceived control of politics in his aimag, it was very surprising that he was defeated by a relatively unknown candidate for the MPP, Eldev-Ochir L. Yet, somehow, DP members have looked past this recent electoral defeat in selecting him for the nomination as presidential candidate.

There is also a case to be made that Genco does NOT represent the МАНАН collusion as that is often associated with current president Elbegdorj Ts and M. In this view and all the rumours about this collusion, Genco would be seen as a target of MAHAH scheming, rather than as a participant to it.

This case also colours the perception of corruption associated with Genco. Several of his associates were arrested very publicly on Apr 11 2016. Some take this as evidence of corruption, some as evidence of MAHAH schemes against Genco.

Like M, Genco has not distinguished himself by championing any particular policies or by demonstrating an interest in concrete policies that might improve the well-being of Mongolians. I have not seen him campaign or speak in person, so I don’t have much of an impression of him as a campaigner or debater.

Campaign Outlook

Pending confirmation of the M and Genco candidacies and any MPRP candidate, there is very little in their persona or past roles that suggest a campaign that might be fought around some of the very important issues that Mongolia faces. Even as commodity prices are recovering and thus throwing a lifeline to Mongolia’s economy along with an IMF bailout, many choices are still to be made about the development of the Mongolian mining sector, governance issues surrounding state participation in that sector, perceptions of rising inequality, etc.

It seems unlikely that either candidate will address these issues in a meaningful substantive way.

M will likely say very little of substance in the campaign, relying instead of the seemingly built-in strength of the MPP. In his wooden ways, he will look vaguely presidential.

Genco campaign is much harder to predict, as he is much harder to predict as a person. Given that most people would assume that an MPP victory is likely, Genco might approach the campaign with a nothing-to-lose attitude. In that case, he might well lash out at M over the recent Erdenet Mine shenanigans. Both candidates will mutually brand each other as corrupt. Genco has also been mentioned in the past as the type of politician that might appeal to a latent desire for a “strong hand” in the Mongolian electorate. I am not convinced that there is such a desire in a significant way, but if there is, Genco might just have the populist streak in him to appeal to that desire.

Posted in Corruption, Democracy, Democratic Party, Elections, Foreign Policy, International Relations, JD Democratization, Mongolia and ..., Mongolian People's Party, Party Politics, Politics, Populism, Presidential 2017, Public Policy | Tagged | 4 Comments